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6.7: Individual Differences- The Role of Cultural Childcare Practices

  • Page ID
    139899
    • Todd LaMarr
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    Culture and Childcare Practices

    Despite a common sequence of motor skill acquisition, there are individual differences in age for the acquisition of motor skills, highlighting the importance of the physical environment and caregiver practices. Ever since milestone charts attempted to document what “normal” ages to achieve motor milestones are, variation in type and timing of motor development have been reported (Karasik et al., 2015). For example, motor development in non-Western countries was found to differ from Western norms and these differences were related to differences in caregiving practices (Adolph et al., 2010; Cintas, 1995; Karasik et al., 2015). Even within the ‘Western world’, there is cultural variability in the timing of motor milestone attainment (e.g., De Kegel et al., 2013; Steenis et al., 2015; WHO Multicentre Growth Reference Study Group and de Onis, 2006). [1]

    Caregiver supporting an infant by holding infants hands above head as infant practices walking
    Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\): Caregiver supporting an infant’s walking practice. ([2])

    Differences in cultural beliefs and caregiving practices lead to differences in when children achieve motor milestones (Oudgenoeg-Paz, Atun-Einy & van Schaik, 2020). For example, there are differences between Dutch and Israeli caregivers in their beliefs about motor development (Van Schaik et al., 2018), such that Israeli caregivers attribute more importance to encouraging motor development in the “right” order and obtaining expert advice. Dutch caregivers, on the other hand, attribute greater importance to letting children follow their own pace in motor development (Van Schaik et al., 2018). Studies show that motor development of Dutch children is delayed compared to children in other western countries, including Israel (Shapira & Harel, 1983; Steenis et al., 2015). [3]

    Mother from Sierra Leone in West Africa wears an infant on her back as she works and another child looks on
    Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\): Mother from Sierra Leone in West Africa wearing an infant on her back. ([4])

    The body of cross-cultural research further supports the perspective that motor development is not a universal process—the social and physical environment has a significant role. For example, practicing standing and sitting, and applying massage or stretching of the limbs is common in African and Caribbean cultures but less common in Western cultures (Adolph et al., 2010; Super & Harkness, 2015). [5]

    In Tajikistan and other parts of Central Asia a traditional caregiving practice involves “gahvora” cradling. Children from birth to 20 months of age are bound on their backs in a tightly wrapped swaddle with arms extended along the sides of the torso and legs straightened and tied together for more than 20 hours per day for some children (Karasik et al., 2018). Infants are not unwrapped for feeding because mothers lean over the cradle to breastfeed and they are not removed for toileting because infants urinate through an external catheter and defecate through a hole in the bottom of the cradle. [6]

    According to the prevailing view among pediatricians and psychologists, severe movement restriction in infancy could have deleterious effects, especially across the first two years of ife, a critical period in children’s health and development (Cunha, Leite & Almeida, 2015). For example, the extended and abducted position of the legs, especially in the first few months, could lead to hip dysplasia or pigeon-toed gait (Clarke, 2014; Van Sleuwen et al., 2007). Extended time in the supine position could lead to brachycephaly (flattening of the back of the head (Graham et al., 2005; van Vlimmeren et al., 2017). Restricted movement—especially in older infants—could delay development of postural and locomotor skills (Adolph & Robinson, 2015). [6]

    Gahvora with intricately carved details, fancy bindings, and coverings.
    Plain-looking gahvora from a less affluent household.
    Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\): (A) Gahvora with intricately carved details, fancy bindings, and coverings. (B) Plain-looking gahvora from a less affluent household ([7])

    As Figure# shows, younger infants spent more hours in a gahvora than older toddlers; however, twenty percent of older infants (12 to 24 month olds) continued to be cradled for more than 15 hours per day. It is important to note that in Tajik families, children are prized and the center of family life. Tajik caregivers responded immediately to vocalizations from their cradled infants by feeding them, rocking them, or singing to them. Mothers, grandmothers, aunts, neighbors, and older siblings were available, interchangeable, and responsive and Tajik children of all ages, including siblings and village children, surrounded the gahvora and interacted with the infant. [5] [6]

    Accumulated cradling during the 24 hours across the 7 age groups. This chart shows data provided in the figure caption
    Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\): Number of hours children spent in the gahvora cradle at different ages. The 27 infants in Group 1 (yellow dots) spent long periods in the gahvora, accumulating M = 19.13 hours, distributed across the 24 hours. Indeed, 10 Group 1 infants spent ≥ 20 hours in the cradle. For the 44 infants in Group 2 (red dots) time in the gahvora occurred in short bursts, primarily between 10 a.m. and 10 p.m M = 6.09. To our surprise, Group 2 infants were out of the gahvora at night. The 76 infants in Group 3 (blue dots) spent most of their time in the gahvora between 9 p.m. and 7 a.m., accumulating M = 13.82 hours/day ([7])

    One value of a cultural approach is the discovery of new phenomena that challenge widespread assumptions about caregiving practices and the “natural” course of child development. Cultural beliefs, customs, and practices, geography, climate, and village resources compel caregivers to find ways to keep their children healthy and safe. Gahvora cradling is a widespread cultural practice throughout Tajikistan and presumably other parts of Central Asia. Yet, the practice flies in the face of Western norms, theories, and even WHO standards. As caregivers of infants and toddlers, it is essential to be aware of and respect cultural differences in caregiving practices. [6]


    [1] Oudgenoeg-Paz, Atun-Einy & van Schaik (2020). Two cultural models on infant motor development: Middle class parents in Israel and the Netherlands. Frontiers in Psychology, 11, 119. CC by 4.0

    [2] Image from Nathan Dumlao is on Unsplash.

    [3] Oudgenoeg-Paz, Atun-Einy & van Schaik (2020). Two cultural models on infant motor development: Middle class parents in Israel and the Netherlands. Frontiers in Psychology, 11, 119. CC by 4.0

    [4] Image from Annie Spratt on Unsplash.

    [5] Oudgenoeg-Paz, Atun-Einy & van Schaik (2020). Two cultural models on infant motor development: Middle class parents in Israel and the Netherlands. Frontiers in Psychology, 11, 119. CC by 4.0

    [6] Karasik et al., (2018). The ties that bind: Cradling in Tajikistan. PloS One, 13(10), e0204428. CC by 4.0

    [7] Cradle Hours and Infant Age from Karasiket al., (2018). The ties that bind: Cradling in Tajikistan. PloS One, 13(10), e0204428. CC by 4.0


    This page titled 6.7: Individual Differences- The Role of Cultural Childcare Practices is shared under a mixed 4.0 license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Todd LaMarr.