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9.4: Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Theory of Cognitive Development

  • Page ID
    139917
    • Todd LaMarr
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    Sociocultural Theory

    Portrait of Lev Vygotsky
    Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\): Lev Vygotsky. ([2])

    Zone of Proximal Development:

    Vygotsky’s best known concept is the Zone of Proximal Development (ZPD). Vygotsky stated that children should be taught in the ZPD, which occurs when they can almost perform a task, but not quite on their own without assistance. With the right kind of teaching, however, they can accomplish it successfully. A good teacher identifies a child’s ZPD and helps the child stretch beyond it. Then the teacher gradually withdraws support until the child can then perform the task unaided. This highlights the importance of instructional decisions related to types and quality of interactions in designing effective learning experiences for infants and toddlers. [1] [3]

    Researchers have applied the metaphor of scaffolds (the temporary platforms on which construction workers stand) to this way of teaching. Scaffolding is the temporary support that caregivers give a child to do a task. ​​Scaffolding represents the way in which a caregiver guides a child’s learning during a goal-oriented task by offering or withdrawing support at different levels depending on the child’s individual developmental level and learning needs. Scaffoldings typically include a mutual and dynamic nature of interaction where both the learner and the one providing the scaffold influence each other and adjust their behavior as they collaborate. In an interactive game of peek-a-book, a caregiver can scaffold an infant’s attention and understanding of object permanence by changing the length of time they stay hidden and by changing how they reveal themselves (e.g., using their hands or another object to hide behind). Research suggests that even in infancy scaffolding plays an important role in the development of cognitive abilities (Cuevas et al. 2014; Matte-Gagné & Bernier 2011; ​​Neale & Whitebread, 2019). Ideas such as the ZPD and scaffolding bring to light a fundamentally different view of a caregiver who serves more as a facilitator of learning rather than someone providing general knowledge. Likewise, the learner takes on more responsibilities such as determining their learning goals, becoming a resource of knowledge for peers, and actively collaborating in the learning process (Grabinger, Aplin, & Ponnappa-Brenner, 2007). This often contrasts with how many people perceive education--as the teacher being the source of knowledge and the teacher directly giving their knowledge to the children. [1] [4] [3]

    Caregiver and toddler side by side in a garden. Toddler is moving dirt with hands onto newly planted tree while caregiver assists.
    Figure \(\PageIndex{2}\): Caregiver assisting a toddler in the garden. ([5])

    For infant and toddler caregivers, every interaction, whether during play or a care routine, is an opportunity to engage with a child inside their ZPD. To begin to engage with an infant or toddler inside their ZPD, we must first purposefully observe them. Beginning with observation is critical because it allows us to first understand what the child is interested in and hypothesize about what their goals may be. Furthermore, observation reveals their current ability or understanding about the activity and objects they are engaged in. Next, we should then reflect upon our observations and consider our role within the child’s ZPD. What type and level of assistance can we offer to the child? What is the least amount of assistance we can provide as guidance? While implementing assistance to the child, we should constantly be reflecting upon how our assistance changes their activity and reflect upon our potential new role as their behaviors change.

    Caregiver holds older infant up and both grasp large lilac flower.
    Figure \(\PageIndex{3}\): Infant and caregiver exploring flowers. ([6])

    Contingency is one strategy to use while engaging with a child in their ZPD. Contingency describes the extent to which a caregiver’s interaction is dependent upon attributes of the child (for example their age, ability, attention, interest, and whether or not they are struggling with the task at hand). A contingent caregiver response is one which occurs when a child requires help of some kind, as opposed to assistance which appears unnecessary because it occurs when a child is coping adequately. A contingent response will also provide the appropriate level of support to assist the child – not taking over the task completely, and not giving too little assistance to not have any effect. As a result, to respond contingently, a caregiver must be present in the unfolding of an activity and observe the child carefully. [4]

    Development and learning originate in social, historical, and cultural interactions.

    Vygotsky contended that thinking has social origins. Social interactions play a critical role especially in the development of higher order thinking skills, and cognitive development cannot be fully understood without considering the social and historical context within which it is embedded. He explained, “Every function in the child’s cultural development appears twice: first, on the social level, and later, on the individual level; first between people (interpsychological) and then inside the child (intrapsychological)” (Vygotsky, 1978). It is only through working with others on a variety of tasks that a child adopts socially-shared experiences and acquires useful strategies and knowledge (Scott & Palincsar, 2013). [3]

    Barbara Rogoff (1990) refers to this process as guided participation, where a learner actively acquires new culturally valuable skills and capabilities through a meaningful, collaborative activity with an assisting, more experienced other, such as a caregiver. It is critical to notice that these culturally-mediated functions are viewed as being embedded in sociocultural activities rather than being self-contained. Development is a “transformation of participation in a sociocultural activity” not a transmission of discrete cultural knowledge or skills (Matusov, 2015). The processes of guided participation reveal the Vygotskian view of cognitive development “as the transformation of socially-shared activities into internalized processes,” or an act of enculturation (John-Steiner & Mahn, 1996). In this way, children cognitively learn about the world by participating in it with others. [3]

    Examples of guided participation can be seen when caregivers involve infants and toddlers in everyday routines. In her research with Mayan families in Guatemala, Rogoff et al., (1993) reported mothers guiding their toddlers through the process of making tortillas. Mothers would give the toddlers small balls of dough to practice rolling and flattening. This cultural practice both contributed to the child’s cognitive development and their learning of practices important for their culture. As another example, consider a group care setting during meal time where toddlers are seated with a caregiver and the meal is separated into larger bowls on the table where the toddlers are seated. The toddlers are able to participate in the routine by serving themselves using the serving spoons and then feed themselves using the utensils. The first few times this routine is started, the caregiver may do more serving and guiding, but eventually, through practiced participation, toddlers are able to participate more deeply, all the while learning culturally-valuable skills such as turn-taking, conversation around a meal, vocabulary and the motor skills needed to serve and eat.

    This Vygotskian notion of social learning stands in contrast to some of Piaget’s more popular ideas of cognitive development, which assume that development through certain stages is biologically determined, originates in the individual, and precedes cognitive complexity. This difference in assumptions has significant implications to the design and implementation of learning experiences. If we believe, as Piaget did, that development precedes learning, then we will make sure that new concepts and problems are not introduced until learners have first developed the capabilities to understand them. On the other hand, if we believe as Vygotsky did that learning drives development and that development occurs as we learn a variety of challenging concepts and principles with others, then we will ensure that activities are structured in ways that promote interaction. We will know that it is the process of learning that enables achievement of higher levels of development, which in turn affects a child’s “readiness to learn a new concept” (Miller, 2011). [3]

    Private Speech

    Do you ever talk to yourself? Why? Chances are, this occurs when you are struggling with a problem, trying to remember something, or feel very emotional about a situation. Children talk to themselves too. Piaget interpreted this as Egocentric Speech or a practice engaged in because of a child’s inability to see things from another’s point of view. Vygotsky, however, believed that children talk to themselves in order to solve problems or clarify thoughts. As children learn to think in words, they do so aloud before eventually closing their lips and engaging in private speech or inner speech. Thinking out loud eventually becomes thought accompanied by internal speech, and talking to oneself becomes a practice only engaged in when we are trying to learn something or remember something. This inner speech is not as elaborate as the speech we use when communicating with others (Vygotsky, 1962). Despite the fact that toddlers are still progressing through the early stages of language acquisition, they nevertheless use private speech. For example, young toddlers, between 14 to 18 months of age, independently use gestures to help think through the use of complex toys and for self-regulation (Basilio & Rodríguez, 2017) and when left alone in their bed at night, toddlers sing to themselves as a way to “practice musical skills, reflect, experiment, self-soothe, and understand their own worlds” (Sole, 2017). [1]

    Toddler stands and uses both hands to add fourth block to stack of blocks
    Figure \(\PageIndex{4}\): Toddler constructing block tower. ([7])

    Although Piaget’s theory of cognitive development receives more attention, sociocultural theory has several widely recognized strengths. First, it emphasizes the broader social, cultural, and historical context of all human activity. It does not view individuals as isolated entities; rather, it provides a richer perspective, focusing on the fluid boundary between self and others. It portrays the dynamics of a child acquiring knowledge and skills from the society and then in turn shaping their own personal environment (Miller, 2011). Second, sociocultural theory is sensitive to individual and cross-cultural diversity. In contrast to the universal aspects of Piaget’s theory, sociocultural theory acknowledges both differences in individuals within a culture and differences in individuals across cultures. It recognizes that “different historical and cultural circumstances may encourage different developmental routes to any given developmental endpoint” depending on particular social or physical circumstances and cultural tools available (Miller, 2011). Finally, sociocultural theory greatly contributes to our understanding of cognitive development by integrating the notion of learning and development. The idea of learning driving development rather than being determined by a developmental level or age of the child fundamentally changes our understanding of the learning process and has significant instructional and educational implications for the care and education of infants and toddlers. [3]

    Limitations of Vygotsky’s Theory

    There are critical limitations to the sociocultural perspective. The first limitation is related to Vygotsky’s premature death, as many of his ideas remained incomplete. Furthermore, his work was largely unknown until fairly recently due to political reasons and issues with translation. The second major limitation is associated with the vagueness of the ZPD. Individuals may have wide or narrow zones, which may be both desirable and undesirable, depending on the circumstances. Knowing only the width of the zone “does not provide an accurate picture of a child’s learning, ability, style of learning, and current level of development compared to other children of the same age and degree of motivation” (Miller, 2011). Additionally, there is little known about whether a child’s zone is comparable across different learning domains, with different individuals, and whether the size of the zone changes over time. And importantly, there is not a common metric scale to measure ZPD. [3]


    [1] Lally & Valentine-French (2019). Lifespan Development: A Psychological Perspective. CC by NC SA 4.0

    [2] Image by josemota is licensed under CC by 2.0. CC BY-NC-SA 2.0

    [3]Sociocultural Perspectives of Learning” by Polly et al., is licensed under CC by 4.0

    [4] Neale & Whitebread (2019). Maternal scaffolding during play with 12-to 24-month-old infants: stability over time and relations with emerging effortful control. Metacognition and Learning, 14(3), 265-289. CC by 4.0

    [5] Image by Anna Earl is licensed under CC by 4.0

    [6] Image by Liana Mikah is licensed under CC by 4.0

    [7] Image by Markus Spiske is licensed under CC by 4.0


    This page titled 9.4: Vygotsky’s Sociocultural Theory of Cognitive Development is shared under a mixed 4.0 license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Todd LaMarr.