10.5: Family and Community Contexts in Adolescence
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Learning Objectives
By the end of this section, you will be able to:
- Describe the impact of various parenting style s on development during adolescence
- Identify sources of parent-adolescent conflict
- Discuss assets and activities related to positive youth development
Fifteen-year-old Michael wakes up twenty minutes early each day so he can help his younger brother get ready for school. While his stepmother is downstairs hurriedly stirring eggs on the stove while getting dressed for work and feeding the dog, Michael reminds his brother to make his bed before he heads downstairs. After breakfast Michael’s stepmother looks for the car keys. But Michael is already outside, having taken the keys to warm up the car on this wintry morning. Later that morning, while in school, Michael receives a text from his stepmom: “Thank you for helping us this morning. Pizza for dinner? I love you!” After school, the brothers go to the after-school program offered at the nearby community center. Michael does homework while his brother plays with his friends in the gym. Both are excited to see their stepmother’s car pull up shortly after 5 p.m. Time for pizza!
Family life is a central feature in the lives of adolescents, serving as the anchor for their experiences. Caregivers and family structure play an important role in teenager’s lives, as does the influence of the broader community.
The Influence of Parenting Styles
Although adolescence is a time of gradual turning toward the broader society, parents are still obviously an important source of support and guidance in adolescents’ lives. Recall the four main clusters of parenting styles: authoritative (high warmth, high structure), indulgent or permissive (high warmth, low structure), authoritarian (low warmth, high structure) and neglectful or uninvolved (low warmth, low structure) (Baumrind, 1971; Maccoby & Martin, 1983).
The authoritative parenting style is associated with many positive outcomes for adolescents, just as it is for younger children (Figure 10.15). These outcomes include a more positive self-concept, more positive orientation toward school and academic competence, and fewer problem behaviors (Dagnew, 2015; Febiyanti & Rachmawati, 2021; Steinberg, et al., 1994). In a follow-up, researchers found these outcomes held steady one year later, explaining that parenting style at that point helped maintain adolescents’ positive adjustment (Steinberg et al., 1994). Another study examined the relationships between parenting styles, academic self-concept, academic motivation, and academic achievement among Ethiopian students. The findings showed that the authoritative parenting style had a positive correlation with academic achievement, while authoritarian and permissive styles had negative correlations; there was no significant relationship with the neglectful style. Academic self-concept, intrinsic motivation, and extrinsic motivation were all positively related to academic achievement (Dagnew, 2015). As you might expect, the opposite pattern was found for the neglectful parenting style, and the outcomes for adolescents of authoritarian and permissive styles fell somewhere between.
A wealth of studies sought to replicate and extend Baumrind’s parenting-style theory, focusing on two underlying dimensions that help explain how parenting style is related to adolescent outcomes: warmth (level of responsiveness to the child’s needs) and structure (level of demands and rules for age-appropriate behavior). First, given that a central developmental task for adolescents is to assume control and responsibility for their own behavior, called developing behavioral autonomy , it makes sense that the responsiveness and clearly communicated expectations in authoritative parenting create an ideal environment for this task. Parental authority is respected, even as the teen increases their own sense of behavioral autonomy. Second, the expectations of authoritarian parenting can come across as unwelcome and interfere with growing behavioral autonomy (Bi et al., 2018).
It Depends: Can Your Parent Be Your Friend?
An intriguing question is whether a caregiver can or even should be considered a “friend” of their child. On one hand, we might say yes. Parents and children/adolescents are in a very close, emotionally significant relationship and spend a lot of time together. From another perspective, we could say no because caregivers and children/adolescents play very different roles, with different responsibilities, concerns, and amount of power.
Baumrind’s research (1971) on parenting styles can help us make sense of this question by focusing on what is in the best interest of the child or adolescent. As you’ve learned, the authoritative parenting style is considered the most conducive to supporting appropriate development of children and adolescents. The winning combination of clear expectations and guidelines for behavior, communicated within a warm and loving relationship, helps developing adolescents understand and internalize the underlying reasons for the expectations. Researchers have found that teens actually prefer to have guidance, because it gives them a sense of security and direction in a rather complex world (Collins & Steinberg, 2006; Elkind, 1998).
The permissive style of parenting includes the warmth and daily involvement of the authoritative style but lacks the necessary guidance. Permissive parents often see themselves as friends of their children and are uncomfortable about or unwilling to set limits, perhaps to avoid disappointing their child or upsetting them. Although this avoids conflict in the moment, the developing teenager is left with little guidance and faces a bewildering number of decisions and scenarios across adolescence without parental guardrails to guide them (Elkind, 1998).
The findings are clear: across a wide range of cultures and family types, adolescents and younger children do well when caregivers give them both warmth and structure. The way caregivers achieve this balance can differ based on their family dynamics and various contextual factors in the child's environment.
Parent-Teen Conflict
A common notion about adolescence is that a high level of stress or conflict always arises between teens and parents. While hormonal fluctuations can play a small role in the day-to-day moods of developing teens, such temporary irritability can’t account for the full nature of the conflict developmental psychologists have studied. Strife between teens and parents does heighten during the adolescent period, but it becomes less frequent as adolescence progresses (Shanahan, et al., 2007). The emotional intensity and stakes tend to increase, however, perhaps accounting for the overall perception that adolescence is a period of high discord (De Goede et al., 2009). Given that psychologists have noted the functional role of conflict, it’s reasonable to suspect that this common feature of adolescence might serve a purpose, and that perspective may also help us understand its common sources.
Adolescents undergo dramatic physical, cognitive, and self- and social redefinition. Parent-adolescent conflict could be both a driver of this redefining of roles and qualities, and a consequence of it (Branje et al., 2012; Collins & Sternberg, 2006). Adolescents’ new reasoning skills, including hypothetical-deductive reasoning and the ability to think abstractly, often lead to the de-idealization of parents. That is, teens see a mismatch between the values their parents proclaim, the rules they put forward, and the way imperfect parents lead their own imperfect lives. Those same reasoning skills—which parents, teachers, and society at large all encourage—can lead adolescents to imagine an alternative world in which the rules are just a bit different, and not so “unfair.” One way parents can avoid this tension and struggle is by simply admitting when they make mistakes and taking steps to involve the adolescent in open family communication regarding major decisions or interpersonal conflicts.
Across adolescence, autonomy and self-determination grow, and the roles teenagers take on change as they are granted more responsibility (Mastrotheodoros et al., 2019). Teens’ changing physicality also means that parents and other adults in the community may expect more adultlike behavior from them as they start to look more like grown-ups on the outside, but it is important to remember that on the inside, their frontal lobes are not yet finished developing. When teens make mistakes, both they and their parents might feel disappointment and frustration. Adolescent-parent conflict makes sense, then, when we consider the totality of the psychological and social circumstances in which adolescents find themselves. The negotiation and resolution of this friction can lead to a more egalitarian relationship between parent and child (Branje, 2018). Conflict declines with the parent’s gradual release of control as the adolescent learns to make their way in the larger world. Arguments about household chores, curfews, appearance and dress, use of a family car, and spending money all make sense from this developmental perspective. Allowing teens more freedom within a structured environment can reduce conflict and improve family well-being. Adolescent-caregiver relationships are more likely to stay healthy and harmonious when adolescents believe that their caregiver’s rules are there for a good reason and are reasonable, and when caregivers and adolescents continue to have open, respectful communication (Smetana et al., 2006).
Family Structure
Developmental psychologists have long been interested in the role family structure may play in child and adolescent outcomes. Researchers have investigated a variety of such structures, including two-parent families, single-parent families, multigenerational families, and step- or blended families. The differences observed are probably due to the different ways family members function and interact with one another more so than to the family structures themselves. In other words, many different family types can thrive or have difficulties, often based on complicated contextual factors such as family resources. Disparities in resources, such as available income and the ability to monitor children, also factor heavily in producing different outcomes.
Decades of research on family structure and outcomes have shown a consistent pattern: children and adolescents in two-parent households fare better across a range of physical and psychological measures of well-being (Savell, et al., 2023; Langton & Berger, 2011; Parache, et al., 2023). A higher percentage of adolescents in both single-parent and stepfamily households exhibit more negative behavioral conduct (such as acting out) and higher levels of depression and anxiety than adolescents in two-parent households (Parche, et al., 2023).
In a longitudinal study of German families, adolescents in stepfamilies reported particularly low-quality relationships with their parents, compared to teens in single- or two- parent families (Walper & Beckh, 2010). Similarly, in a longitudinal study of families in the United States, disruptive behavior reported by teachers was lowest for children in two-parent families (Savell, et al., 2021). Another study using a large-scale national survey in the United States found adolescents in two-parent families often had better overall physical health than those in all other family structures (Langton & Berger, 2011). This may be because having two caregivers to share the various family roles and responsibilities can reduce caregiver stress.
This pattern was also reported in a recent large-scale national survey of Korean youth (Park & Lee, 2020), with some additional findings: adolescents from families other than two-parent households showed higher levels of risky behavior such as drinking and smoking, higher levels of suicidal ideation, more stress, and lower perceived level of academic performance. In essence, the scientific literature has been reporting the comparative benefits of the two-parent family for quite some time. But what is it exactly about family structure that causes these observed outcomes?
Recently, scholars have noted that two-parent (sometimes called “intact”) families have enjoyed a type of privilege in both our culture and scientific investigations. They have sought to identify the links between a family’s composition and the well-being of its members.
Socioeconomic status is one such link. Studies of families in the United States (Savell, et al. 2023) and Germany (Parache, et al., 2023) found strong associations between SES and adolescent well-being. Two-parent households typically have more income and other resources (such as time) available for benefiting household members. The financial strain that comes from having fewer resources could contribute additional stress in other family structures. Other factors include the level of parental monitoring and parental ability to protect family members from adverse health conditions that result in accidents and injury (Langton & Berger, 2011). The negative findings for stepfamilies may seem confusing since these families have two parents. However, stepfamilies tend to experience lower income levels, greater potential for within-family conflict, and less stability.
Government policies and programs can be informed by recognizing the role these factors likely play in child and adolescent outcomes. For example, as a society, we may look for ways to support single-parent households financially through tax breaks or other programs in order to increase positive outcomes for children and adolescents living in this common family structure.
Assets and Activities Supporting Positive Adolescent Development
In considering how to support optimal conditions for adolescent development, researchers at the Search Institute (Pekel et al., 2015) created what is called the developmental assets approach . It identifies twenty internal qualities and twenty external qualities that should be nurtured during youth. The external qualities include those that can be supported through resources like families, educational environments, and the broader community. Examples include positive peer influences, motivation to achieve, family support, and a favorable outlook of one’s future. Research suggests that development of these assets is aligned with behaviors such as having academic success, valuing diversity, helping others, resisting risky behaviors, and having the ability to overcome adversity (Pekel et al., 2015). The goal is to ensure that, as teens mature, they benefit from a community that values and includes them in decision-making, provides a safe environment, and sets clear expectations and boundaries (Roehlkepartain, 2015). A supportive environment allows adolescents to engage in meaningful activities, align with like-minded peers, and contribute to their community.
This approach to applying developmental psychology to improve lives aligns with the positive youth development perspective (Lerner, 2005; Lerner, Dowling & Anderson, 2003; Roth, et al., 1998), which integrates various protective factors and resources to foster healthy development in children and adolescents. Positive youth development focuses on promoting positive outcomes and emphasizes a hopeful environment and opportunities for growth by engaging youth in a variety of enrichment and health promotion programs. According to Lerner and colleagues (2005), positive youth development programs should focus on five “C”s: competence, character, confidence, connections, and compassion (Lerner, et al., 2005), and should set high expectations for achievement and provide continuous support, mirroring high-quality parenting and educational best practices. According to the CDC, these types of programs can strengthen an adolescent’s sense of identity as well as their competence in social, emotional, cognitive, and behavioral domains (CDC, 2022).
Availability of and access to youth activities and programs can vary greatly. Your community’s school system and local library may be good resources for learning more about what offerings are available in your community. Many programs are run through governmental resources including school systems, nonprofit groups, faith-based entities, and recreational organizations.
Community programs may be run through local government sectors (like a public library), or the combined efforts of those with others in the community, such as area businesses in the Chamber of Commerce, or local branches of nonprofit organizations such as Girls Who Code. The 4-H program is an example of a national youth development organization run in association with the extension/outreach divisions of universities with programs that seek to promote activities like service to the community and a healthy lifestyle. A comprehensive evaluation of 4-H (Lerner et al., 2015) identified a number of long-term benefits such as a higher level of engaged citizenship through high school, decreased risk for problem behaviors, higher academic performance, and a greater tendency to endorse and exhibit health-promoting attitudes and behaviors. Involvement in community programs like these can help developing adolescents to explore new interests, learn more about their communities, and consider roles they may want to continue within these contexts (Figure 10.15).
Many communities have recreational departments that offer youth activities, often including organized sports; classes in art, music, and dance; and various camp-type programs for specific interests. Recreational opportunities are often available through organizations like Girl Scouts and Scouting America, which encourage youth to try new things, help others, improve self-confidence, and build strong ethical standards—and in the case of Girl Scouts, develop financial literacy (Girl Scout Research Institute, 2020; Modi et al., 2012). Recent studies highlight the positive impact of scouting on youth development, such as higher levels of civic engagement and social responsibility (Kim et al., 2016; Polson et al., 2013) and improved mental health and resilience (Wang et al., 2021).
Organized sports offer another important context for positive youth development, with programs offered through school systems, local government recreational programs, and other sports organizations. The benefits of participation in sports include better mental health outcomes (reduced anxiety and depression), increased leadership and team-building skills including cooperation and other prosocial behaviors, and positive effects on physical health and overall physical development. According to the Project Play study, regular participation in a team sport among teenagers between ages thirteen and seventeen years in the United States was at 36 percent in 2022. However, these programs are often less accessible to those in low SES households due to factors such as affordability and transportation (Aspen Institute Project Play, 2023). And although high schools in the United States have increased their awareness and access to adaptive sports programs (Carbone et al., 2021), in recent years, there has also been a decline in the participation and activity levels of youth with disabilities (MacEachern et al., 2021).
Link to Learning
Is playing sports as beneficial as commonly believed, or are we over-focused on sports? Watch this TED-Ed talk titled How playing sports benefits your body ...and your brain to learn more.
Some teens may choose to become involved in faith-based groups. This may entail participating in important stages of religious development during adolescence, such as a bar mitzvah or religion classes (Figure 10.17). Other activities connected to faith groups may be more social in nature, offering teens peer group support. Fifty-one percent of all U.S. teenagers have attended a religious youth group at some point in their lives, while 29 percent currently attend such group meetings regularly (Pew Research Center, 2020). Being curious about their spirituality, the meaning and purpose of life, and their place in the universe is a common characteristic of adolescents, including those who profess no particular religion (Pew Research Center, 2019). A recent study surveyed Singaporean youth and found that individuals with a religion had higher overall positive mental health scores than those without, and that various religions had different benefits: Christianity was linked to higher emotional support; Taoism, Buddhism, and Islam with better coping and support; Hinduism with better interpersonal skills; and Sikhism with both better support and interpersonal skills (Vaingankar et al., 2021).
Link to Learning
Listen to an adolescent girl’s explanation of her bat mitzvah experience, including what it meant spiritually, as a milestone toward adulthood, and as part of her development in this stage of life.
Employment during adolescence is another way teens engage with their community. Is working during adolescence beneficial? Before the 1938 Fair Labor Standards Act was passed, children and adolescents routinely entered the workforce, sometimes laboring alongside (and sometimes competing with) their parents. Federal and state laws still allow adolescents to work, but they limit the start and stop times and length of the workday. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 37 percent of adolescents ages sixteen to nineteen years participated in the workforce in 2024 (2024). This number includes many teens who work as part of their high school’s Career, Technical, and Agricultural Education programs that provide an apprenticelike transition between schooling and adult employment.
One of the societal benefits of adolescents working is the many billions of dollars they contribute to the economy, much of it spent on items such as fast food, clothing, and entertainment. Many teens also contribute their earnings to their household’s finances. The psychological benefits of teenage employment include a growing sense of pride, financial autonomy, purpose, and self-esteem. Those who work also learn about the value of money (the price of this pair of jeans means I have to work five hours), develop valuable life skills such as time management and a work ethic, and meet others, including adults, in their communities (Mortimer, 2010).
However, there are several potential downsides to teen employment. Parents and teachers worry about the reduced time and energy available for schoolwork. Another concern is having teens work alongside older individuals, which can expose them to negative influences such as underage drinking and smoking, especially in social settings outside the workplace. The balance between work and academic pursuits can also be affected, though SES plays a part as well. Some teens may work because they need to in order to contribute to the household income, contribute to expenses like car insurance, or to start saving to live independently, particularly if they are in an unstable home environment. Other adolescents may work to afford certain material goods (such as purchasing a video game they want, or their first used car, or luxury items like a special pair of sneakers or some bling). Some teens may take jobs to fund special experiences, such as an opportunity for a short study-abroad trip with their school’s foreign language program. Still others work to gain valuable experience for college applications, trade programs, or other employment and career goals.
These differences in motivations and resources can dramatically change one’s experience of entering the workforce and subsequent job satisfaction. Adolescents, their families, and school counselors should weigh the individual circumstances and aspirations of teens who seek employment to ensure a balanced approach that supports both their academic and personal development.
In all, whether through schools, community resources, or interest-based groups, involvement in activities and programs can help adolescents in developing self-esteem, a sense of purpose, healthy social relationships, and connection to the community, which all together can promote socioemotional well-being.
References
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