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4: Government and Wicked Problems - The Death of Kelly Thomas

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    183797

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    Caution

    Note that this case study involves discussion of police brutality and mental illness. If you or a loved one could use assistance navigating issues of mental health, call 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline. Call 988 then 1 for veteran specific services, 988 then 2 for Spanish language services, 988 then 3 for LGBTQ youth through 25-years old (will transfer caller to The Trevor Project).

    Introduction

    On July 5, 2011 a call came into the Fullerton, California Police Department reporting that a White man was walking through a local parking lot, rattling car door handles. When police arrived, they found Kelly Thomas, a 37 year-old unhoused man with a history of mental illness, in an adjoining parking lot at the city’s transportation center. Much of what ensued thereafter was captured on video from cameras stationed around the center. Eventually six officers are seen pummeling Mr. Thomas as he cries out for help, saying several times that he couldn’t breathe. The incident, including photos of Mr. Thomas’s horrific injuries, made national news. He died five days later.

    As news spread, and both the photos and video of the beating went public, the community became incensed. The six officers were put on paid administrative leave (Irving 2011), but hundreds of residents attended the next city council meeting, demanding police reforms, the resignation of the police chief, and threatening to recall council members (Lovett 2011). Hundreds more attended weekend rallies in front of city hall, demanding “Justice for Kelly.” Many signs called for better treatment of the homeless and mentally ill, at least one read, “Mental illness is not punishable by death” (Irving 2011).

    The incident left most people, including city leaders, asking how a police encounter over a minor complaint could go so wrong? The mayor and other members of the city council had to act, but the problems they faced were incredibly complicated—what policy scholars call “wicked problems,” those that are complex, highly contested and may never be completely solved (Rittel & Webber 1973). This case study provides an opportunity to consider how government addresses these wicked problems: How does local government deal with the issue of homelessness, particularly when it intersects with mental illness and criminality? How do governments meet the needs of the most vulnerable and ensure that their agents, including police and elected officials, are held accountable? More broadly, how can society address the needs of those with serious mental illness?

    What we know about Homelessness

    In order for government to address any problem, it must understand it; in this case governments need to know what factors lead to homelessness, and what potential solutions work. This knowledge allows professionals in the fields of housing and public health to design appropriate policies and programs to intervene before people lose housing, and to provide services to the unhoused. For example, researchers have found that people most at-risk are those whose ability to function in society is compromised, including those who cannot obtain or maintain employment or housing, who lack access to services, are not part of social networks, and those with troubled familial and friend relationships, including those completely estranged from family (Montgomery, Metraux & Culhane 2013). Although the existence of severe mental illness is associated with all of these deficiencies, it is important to note that the vast majority of people who suffer from mental illness are not homeless. Even among the unhoused, less than half have been diagnosed as mentally ill. Note also that the unhoused who have been diagnosed with mental illness typically suffer from the most severe types of illness such as schizophrenia and bipolar disorder (Folsom & Jeste 2002; Folsom, et al. 2005; Hodgson et al. 2013).

    Other risk factors for homelessness include drug and alcohol addictions, and incidence of domestic violence (Folsom et al 2005; Duke & Searby 2019). While early studies suggested that up to one-third of the unhoused suffered from mental health problems (Folsom & Jeste 2002), more recent studies have pointed out a chicken and egg problem: homelessness itself is a mental health stressor, particularly for young people (Hodgson, Shelton, van den Bree, and Los 2013) and women (Duke & Searby 2019), so it is difficult to determine which came first. Public health professionals note that the unhoused often suffer from comorbidities—the condition of living with more than one disease or illness at the same time. This often includes having both mental health and substance abuse problems (Folsom, et al. 2005; Hodgson et al 2013; Duke & Searby 2019).

    The public and mental health recommendations for services that can improve the lives of these populations typically include individual case managers, access to mental and physical health services, employment specialists, substance abuse counseling, and provision of housing (Fitzpatrick-Lewis, Ganann, Krishnaratne, Ciliska, Kouyoumdjian, & Hwang 2011; Fowler, Hovmand, Marcal, & Das 2019; Gilmer, Stefancic, Ettner, Manning, & Tsemberis, 2010). Policies known as Housing First—in which people are immediately provided housing, often before they experience homelessness—are important prevention policies that have been successful for the most vulnerable (Fowler, et al. 2019; Gilmer, et al. 2010). For those suffering from mental illness, specific prevention strategies include rental and housing assistance, and intensive support services when individuals are discharged from in-patient treatment facilities (Montgomery, Metraux & Culhane 2013; Fitzpatrick-Lewis, Ganann, Krishnaratne, Ciliska, Kouyoumdjian, & Hwang 2011).

    Who are the Unhoused?

    In order to better understand the unhoused population, in 2007 the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) started what is called the Point in Time Count[1] which requires a count of the nation’s unhoused on a single night each January (HUD Exchange 2023). Typically carried out at the county level, and often over several nights in large, urban areas, the Point in Time Count is an invaluable tool for local government to understand the size and scope of these vulnerable populations.

    The city of Fullerton, site of Kelly Thomas’ death, is in Orange County, California, which has a population of just over 3 million people. In 2022, the Point in Time Count for Orange County found nearly 6,000 people without permanent residences (County of Orange 2022). More than half, 3,057 persons, were unsheltered, while 2,661 were in some temporary, transitional, or emergency shelter setting. In 2022 there were 16 percent fewer homeless than in 2019, and the number of unsheltered was down by 22 percent. Similar to their numbers nationwide[2], men constituted a majority of Orange County’s unhoused (63 percent), including the vast majority of the unsheltered (73 percent; see Figure-1). Twenty-one percent of unhoused individuals in Orange County were members of a family, and nearly 13% were under 18 years of age. Fortunately, most families (79 percent) were in shelters during the 2022 Point in Time Count (see Table-1).

    clipboard_e3962f84dd9cdc4594ac9caa1d6083f82.png
    Figure1: Gender - Sheltered v. Unsheltered Homeless in Orange County, CA and US, 2022

     

    Table 1: Unhoused Families & Children, Orange County, CA and U.S., 2022
      Sheltered OC Sheltered US Unsheltered OC Unsheltered US
    Families 295 (11% of sheltered people) 25% of sheltered people 94 (8% of unsheltered people) 3% of unsheltered people
    Under 18-years of age 23% 25% 4% 4%

    The race and ethnicity of Orange County’s unhoused, along with national comparisons, can be seen in Table-2. The first column indicates the county’s overall population diversity. Note that the Asian American/Pacific Islander population in Orange County (23%) is far higher than the national average of 6%, while the Black population (2%) is much lower than the national average of 12.5%. Like Kelly Thomas, the vast majority of the unhoused in Orange County in 2022 were White. The numbers of homeless Whites is in proportion to their population numbers in the county, while Blacks were overrepresented, and Asian/Pacific Islanders were far less likely to be among the unhoused than in the general population. Ethnic Latino/a/x were slightly more than half of the sheltered and a third of the unsheltered homeless; they are about a third of the overall population of Orange County.

    Table 2: Race & Latino/a/x Ethnicity of Unhoused, Orange County, CA and U.S., 2022
      Orange County Overall* Sheltered, OC Unsheltered, OC Sheltered, US Unsheltered, US
    Asian American/Pacific Islander 23% 4.5% 4% 2.5% 4.5%
    Black 2% 11% 6% 44% 27%
    Native American/Alaskan 1.5% 3% 4% 2.5% 4.5%
    Multiple Races 4% 4% 20% 5% 7%
    White 70% 77% 65% 45% 57%
    Of above that identify as ethnically Latino/a/x 34% 55% 34% 22.5% 26.5%

    * Data from the U.S. Census Bureau, https://www.census.gov/quickfacts/orangecountycalifornia

    Finally, in keeping with public health research findings, many of Orange County’s unhoused experience mental health and substance abuse issues, as well as physical and developmental disabilities (see Table-3). Approximately 10 percent—of both the sheltered and unsheltered—were victims of domestic violence. More than half of the unsheltered are chronically homeless, and more than 40 percent face problems of addiction. Similar to research findings, Table-3 also makes it clear that, particularly among the unsheltered, the homeless in Orange County experience comorbidities, such as having both physical and substance abuse problems.

    Table 3: Housing & Health Status of Unhoused, Orange County, CA 2022
      Sheltered, OC Unsheltered, OC
    Chronically homeless 38% 55%
    Substance abuse issue 20% 41%
    Physical disability 25% 32%
    Mental health issue 28% 30%
    Developmental disability 2% 14%
    Domestic violence survivor 11% 10%

    The Life & Death of Kelly Thomas

    Kelly Thomas was born in Fullerton and lived in the area his entire life. In his youth, he had wanted to be a fire fighter, but as he entered adulthood his family began to notice behavioral changes; he disregarded personal hygiene, lied about his whereabouts, and went missing for periods of time (Wood 2011a). His parents sought medical help and in his early twenties Kelly was diagnosed with schizophrenia. His illness could be managed with medication, and when under supervised care he did well. However, the medication made him tired and, like many people being treated for mental illness, he stopped taking his medication whenever his life seemed under control (Wood 2011a; Irving 2011). This frequently left him unhoused—his father described him as “a drifter”—and it was not uncommon for him to have encounters with the police, including at least some of the officers on the scene on July 5 (Coker 2011; Joyce 2013a, 2013b; Wood 2011a).

    Why that Tuesday night became so violent is a bit of a mystery. Kelly Thomas was in the parking lot of the Fullerton Transportation Center at about 8:30pm, when two officers arrived (Gennaco & Walsh 2012). Fitting the description of a man who was potentially trying to break into cars in an adjoining lot, they began questioning him. At that point the encounter seemed fairly routine; Kelly wasn’t immediately cooperative, but he eventually let the officers search his backpack, in which they found mail addressed to someone else. A later investigation revealed that Kelly had found the backpack with the discarded mail inside. After their search, about twelve minutes into questioning, it is clear from transportation center video and digital audio recordings from officer-worn equipment, that this otherwise routine stop of Kelly Thomas became violent (Gennaco & Walsh 2012; Joyce 2012b).

    With no apparent provocation, Officer Manuel Ramos and eventually five others, participated in holding down and pummeling Kelly Thomas with fists, batons, and a Taser gun for nearly ten minutes (Barber 2014). A 59-page internal affairs report details the horrific events, including Corporal Jay Cicinelli telling other officers, “I f*cking beat him probably twenty times in the face with this Taser” (Gennaco & Walsh 2012, p. 39). While initial reports from the police indicated that officers on the scene had sustained injuries including broken bones during the altercation, the department later admitted that no officers had been injured (Wood 2012a). Corporal Cicinelli argued that Kelly must have been on drugs, thus requiring multiple officers to subdue him; a toxicology report found no drugs or alcohol in Kelly’s system (Newcom & James 2012). Finally, although video indicates that Kelly began to run at one point, he was quickly caught, and eye-witnesses to the beating described him as having been subdued by multiple officers and in no condition to resist arrest even while officers continued to tell him to “stop resisting” (Coker 2011; Irving 2011; Kain 2011; Lovett 2011; Wood 2011a).

    Twenty-six minutes into his encounter with Fullerton police, video indicates that Kelly stopped moving; six minutes later an ambulance arrived to take him to a local hospital (Joyce 2013b). Hospital records revealed that he had severe head and neck injuries, a broken nose, cheekbone, several broken ribs, and severe internal bleeding (Sewell & Winton 2011). On July 10, after his family made the decision to take him off of life support, Kelly Thomas was dead. The coroner’s report indicated that Kelly died of lack of oxygen to the brain, a result of the combination of sustained compression to his chest, and extreme facial injuries (Morrison 2014).

    The Community Reacts

    Neither the city nor the police department responded quickly to Kelly’s death, and were it not for his father, Ron Thomas, the incident would probably have quickly and quietly faded from memory. Instead, Mr. Thomas, a former Orange County Sheriff, circulated by-stander video and urged the public to come forward, he contacted the media and publicly committed to ensuring that the officers at whose hands his son had died would be criminally charged (Irving 2011). By July 18, only one of the officers had been put on administrative leave, and when the incident was not on the City Council’s July 19 agenda, Ron Thomas brought a group to the council meeting with him (Wood 2011c; Coker 2011). Calling themselves Kelly’s Army, the group organized protests outside of the Fullerton Police Department shortly after Kelly’s death; they continued every Saturday into October (Landa 2011).

    Finally, on July 29, Fullerton City Council Member Sharon Quirk-Silva contacted the city manager to demand that the other five officers be placed on leave, which was done on August 2, the day of the next city council meeting (Ponsi 2011; NBC 2011). At the council meeting, over 200 people crowded the council chamber, the adjoining hallway, and the library, as three hours of public speakers called for transparency, the release of video and audio recordings, and the firing of the police chief, as well as threatening to recall council members (Wood 2011a; 2011b). Shortly after the August meeting, amidst extreme public criticism and Council Members Quirk-Silva and Bruce Whitaker calling for his resignation, Police Chief Michael Sellers took medical leave; he retired six months later (Wood 2011d; Wood 2012b).

    Note that one of the things the city did before the August 2 council meeting was to send a city attorney to lunch with Kelly’s parents and offer them a $900,000 out-of-court settlement (Wood 2011a). His parents declined the offer. On August 5, the city council met in closed session to discuss charges by Ron Thomas that the Fullerton police violated Kelly’s civil rights, and that the city had engaged in both a cover-up and negligence in the incident (Taxin and Risling 2011). That night the council agreed to hire an independent investigator, Michael Gennaco, an attorney for the civilian oversight body of the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department, to investigate Kelly’s death. In September, Fullerton’s City Manager and City Council convened a Task Force on Homelessness and Mental Health Services (City of Fullerton 2012; 2013a). Ron Thomas was appointed a positon on the task force.

    In May 2012, the task force presented its recommendations to the city. Not surprisingly, most of their recommendations were in line with the recommendations of public and mental health professionals discussed earlier. They included: providing outpatient mental health treatment for severely mentally ill adults; creating a facility that would serve as a single-point-of-contact to provide services to the unhoused with mental illness including medical care, career assistance, and peer mentoring; urging Orange County to help Fullerton and its neighboring communities to acquire land for permanent supportive housing; and assigning a behavioral health specialist to the Fullerton Police Department to work with both the mentally ill homeless population and the police to ensure better outcomes in police encounters (Wood 2012c).

    At the same time, angry residents made good on their threats to recall Fullerton City Council members who had acted slowly and sometimes callously—the mayor told a group that he had been in Vietnam and “seen worse” injuries than those inflicted on Kelly Thomas (Taxin and Reislin 2011). He and two other council members were the subjects of a special recall election, and in June 2012 all three were recalled and replaced with new city council members (Ponsi 2012).

    The Fullerton Police Department (FPD) underwent changes as well. A year after Kelly Thomas’s death, the FPD began partnerships with local nonprofit homeless service organizations, as well as community public health agencies, to create a Homeless Liaison Officer (HLO) unit with four full-time officers (City of Fullerton 2023; Custodio 2016). Although all members of the FPD receive training on how to deal with both the unhoused and those with mental health concerns, HLO officers receive additional, specialized training (Custodio 2016). Fullerton’s need for these services is great: In 2015 HLO received over 5,800 calls related to homelessness. Four days a week a clinician from Orange County Mental Health works directly with HLO, driving the city’s streets to assist with both the unhoused, and other residents experiencing mental health crises (City of Fullerton 2023).

    Justice for Kelly?

    It is hard to know what justice looks like in a case like Kelly Thomas’s. Three of the officers involved in his death, Joseph Wolfe, Manuel Ramos, and Jay Cicinelli, were fired, and indicted by an Orange County grand jury (Roe 2015). The District Attorney’s Office filed second-degree murder and involuntary manslaughter charges against Officer Ramos, and charged Corporal Cicinelli with involuntary manslaughter and assault or battery by an officer. Charges against Officer Wolfe were dropped. The other three officers were neither charged nor fired in Kelly’s death.

    Kelly’s Army, including his family, were thrilled when the charges were filed—recall that Ron Thomas wanted criminal charges brought against the officers (CBS News 2012; Joyce 2013a; Wood 2012d). If found guilty, Cicinelli faced up to four years in prison, and Ramos faced a life sentence (Newcom & James 2012). The prosecution, led by Orange County’s District Attorney, Tony Rackauckas, argued that the video clearly showed an abuse of police power over a man who was unarmed and of little threat to six officers (Barber 2014). The defense argued that Kelly Thomas was unusually strong and violently resisting arrest, and that police actions were in line with training on how to handle dangerous detainees (Barber 2014; Flores & Esquivel 2014). On January 13, 2014, after two days of deliberation, a jury of eight women and four men found Ramos and Cicinelli not guilty of any crime (Salazar & Ponsi, 2014). Following the verdict, which Kelly’s parents described as police getting away with murder, a crowd of 80 people returned to the Fullerton Transportation Center to hold a vigil and protest (see LA Times Photo Gallery, below).

    Officers Wolfe and Cicinelli filed wrongful termination cases against the Fullerton Police Department after Ramos and Cicinelli were acquitted (Saavedra 2020). The two argued that their due process rights had been violated by the City of Fullerton, and that they deserved to have their jobs back. In October 2020 a judge determined that both had been fired for due cause, and denied their request.

    In her 2023 book, Shielded: How the Police Became Untouchable, Joanna Schwartz notes that cases of police brutality, abuse, and murder typically do not end up in criminal court, and if they do, they usually end like the Kelly Thomas case, with officer acquittals. Instead, victims and their families often end up taking these cases to civil court to find justice. In November 2015, three and a half years after Kelly’s death, and just hours before a civil wrongful death trial was to begin, the City of Fullerton agreed to pay Ron Thomas a $4.9 million settlement (Ponsi, Emery, & Walker 2015). Civil rights attorneys and advocates for the mentally ill said that the large settlement—after the city had already paid $1 million to Kelly’s mother in a 2012 settlement—sent a clear message that the lives of those with mental health problems are not expendable.

    Conclusion

    For all of the work done by police departments like Fullerton’s to better meet the needs of the mentally ill, there is clearly more work to do. A recent study estimated that between 2010 and 2017, the mentally ill were nearly 12 times more likely to experience police use of force, and 10 times more likely to be injured by police than those without mental illness (Laniyonu & Goff 2021). Between 2015 and 2022, more than 20 percent of those killed by police officers were experiencing mental health crises at the time (Washington Post 2023; for more on mental illness and the criminal justice system, see National Alliance on Mental Illness, below).

    In Shielded, Joanna Schwartz details the case of Tony Timpa, a 32-year old who suffered from anxiety and schizophrenia. In 2016, recognizing his own erratic thoughts, Tony called the Dallas, Texas police, explaining that he was off of his medication and needed help. When police arrived, Tony was hand-cuffed next to a bus stop; a passing security guard had seen Tony, barefoot and running in a busy street, and was able to stop and detain him while they waited for Dallas police officers.

    Body-worn police cameras document what came next. As the five officers approached, Tony was rolling on the ground, yelling for help. He told police that he had taken cocaine, and they replaced the “guard’s handcuffs with their own and zip-tie[d] Tony’s feet” (Schwartz 2023, p. 45). At that point, and without provocation, two of the officers held Tony down by putting their knees on both his lower and upper back; one of them held his neck to the ground. Police policy and training for the Dallas Police Department instruct officers to use this technique—called prone position—for short durations because it is known to increase the risk of death for detainees. Instead, one of the officers kept Tony in prone position for over fourteen minutes, even as he cried out, “‘You’re gonna kill me!’” (p. 45). After eleven minutes, Tony’s body went limp. An officer asked Tony if he was okay, but he didn’t respond, and no one checked to see if he was still breathing. It was another three minutes until paramedics arrived and the officer released his knee from Tony’s back. Paramedics put him in the ambulance where Tony was pronounced dead. While a Dallas grand jury indicted three of the officers, the district attorney’s office dropped the charges. The Dallas PD gave the officers written reprimands and sent them back to police the streets.

    More recently, in March 2023, the mother of Ivor Otieno, a 28-year old with a history of mental illness, called authorities to take him to the hospital following unusual behavior. Once taken from their home, however, Ivor was lost in the system, and his mother spent three days calling authorities in an attempt to locate her son and ensure he was receiving his medication (Robertson & Hauser 2023). When officials finally found him, she was told that her son was dead. Video from the Central State Hospital, a mental health facility in Petersburg, Maryland, showed seven sheriff’s officers and three hospital staffers pinning Ivor Otieno to the ground for eleven minutes; Mr. Otieno’s death certificate indicated he died of asphyxiation (O’Brien & Brooks 2023). Perhaps in a sign that governments are beginning to take the care and treatment of the mentally ill more seriously, all ten of the officers and hospital staff have been charged with second-degree murder. What is clear is that public leaders—whether elected officials, public administrators, public health professionals, or members of the criminal justice system—will continue to grapple with the wicked problems of homelessness, mental illness, and police accountability.

    View/Video

    Los Angeles Times, Photo Gallery: Homeless man dies after run-in with Fullerton police. Twenty-nine photos of protest marches, “Kelly’s Corner,” city council meetings, crowds learning that officers will be charged in the death of Kelly Thomas, and crowds learning that the police had been acquitted in the trial (no date)

    National Alliance on Mental Illness, Mental Illness in the Justice System (5 minute video)

    National Alliance on Mental Illness, Justice System Diversion: Anita Fischer: All American Advocate. (3 minute video)

    Resources

    National Alliance on Mental Illness, Resources: Responding to Crises. Extreme Risk Protection Orders (ERPOs), National Hotline for Mental Health Crises and Suicide Prevention, Psychiatric Advance Directives (PADs) https://www.nami.org/Advocacy/Policy-Priorities/Responding-to-Crises

    988 Suicide & Mental Health Crisis Line Call 988 then 1 for veteran specific services, 988 then 2 for Spanish language services, 988 then 3 for LGBTQ youth through 25-years old (will transfer caller to The Trevor Project)

    Questions for Consideration

    Imagine that you had been asked by the City of Fullerton to evaluate its reaction to the beating death of Kelly Thomas. What would you say the city did right, and what did it do wrong? What about the Fullerton Police Department after July 5, 2011: What would you say the department did right, and what did it do wrong?

    Homelessness has long been considered a wicked problem—the type that is contested and complex, and which government may only be able to manage, and not to solve. What do you think management of homelessness means for city leaders faced with large unhoused populations? What can they do to reassure the rest of the city’s residents that they are “doing something” about the problem?

    The National Alliance on Mental Illness (NAMI) has noted that those experiencing mental health crises are at increased risk of police use of force, injury, and death, therefore, it has made criminal justice reform and decriminalizing mental illness an important priority in its public policy advocacy work. After reading this case study, what policies do you think city and/or police leadership should pursue to ensure that those in mental distress are given “help, not handcuffs” as NAMI says?

    In civil cases against officers, such as that which awarded Ron Thomas $4.9M, the officers, police departments, and cities are typically not responsible for payment (Schwartz 2023). In Fullerton, for example, the city’s insurance company was responsible for the pay-outs to Kelly’s family (Ponsi, Emery, & Walker 2015). In what ways might this system affect the accountability of officers, police departments, or cities when facing wrongful death lawsuits? Is this system sufficient or are there alternatives?

    Bibliography

    Barber, E. 2014. Kelly Thomas Case: Why police were acquitted in killing of homeless man. The Christian Science Monitor. https://www.csmonitor.com/USA/USA-Update/2014/0114/Kelly-Thomas-case-why-police-were-acquitted-in-killing-of-homeless-man January 14, 2014

    CBS Los Angeles. 2012. Fullerton Police Department Decides To Fire 3 Officers Over Kelly Thomas Beating. CBS News Los Angeles. https://www.cbsnews.com/losangeles/news/fullerton-police-department-decides-to-fire-3-officers-over-kelly-thomas-beating/ May 22, 2012

    City of Fullerton. 2012. Report of the Fullerton Task Force on Homelessness and Mental Health Services. https://www.ochumanrelations.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/12/Final-Report-FullMentIll-Homeless-TaskForce.pdf May 2012

    _____. 2023. City of Fullerton Homeless Liaison Officers https://www.cityoffullerton.com/government/departments/city-manager-s-office/public-information/homelessness/homeless-liaison-officers?locale=en (no date; accessed 4/10/23)

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    _____. 2011d. Combatting the Code of Silence. Voice of OC. https://voiceofoc.org/2011/10/combating-the-code-of-silence/ October 10, 2011 (updated December 8, 2020)

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    _____. 2012c. Task force to deliver mental health report to Fullerton. Voice of OC. https://voiceofoc.org/2012/05/task-force-set-to-deliver-mental-health-report-to-fullerton/ May 21, 2012 (updated December 8, 2020)

    _____. 2012d. Judge Orders Trial for Officers in Death of Kelly Thomas. Voice of OC. https://voiceofoc.org/2012/05/task-force-set-to-deliver-mental-health-report-to-fullerton/ May 9, 2012 (updated December 8, 2020)

    NOTES


    [1] For more information on The Point in Time Count: https://www.hudexchange.info/programs/hdx/pit-hic/

    [2] National 2022 Point in Time Count numbers come from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development’s The 2022 Annual Homelessness Assessment Report (AHAR) to Congress https://www.huduser.gov/portal/sites/default/files/pdf/2022-AHAR-Part-1.pdf December 2022.


    This page titled 4: Government and Wicked Problems - The Death of Kelly Thomas is shared under a CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Shelly Arsneault.