Figure 6.3.1: How to Decode Nonverbal Communication. Image generated by Google Gemini
Before we say a single word, our bodies are already speaking. The way you smile, gesture, shift your posture, or make eye contact—all of it sends messages that others interpret, often instantly. In this section, we’ll explore how kinesics (body movement), haptics (touch), and oculesics (eye behavior) shape our face-to-face interactions. These nonverbal cues help us express emotions, build trust, and navigate social norms—sometimes more powerfully than words ever could. One reason that nonverbal communication is so rich with information is that humans use so many different aspects of behavior, appearance, and environment to convey meaning. These types of nonverbal communication can vary considerably across cultures. Every culture interprets posture, gestures, eye contact, facial expressions, vocal noises, use of space, degree of territory, and time differently. Scholars call the different means used for transmitting information nonverbal communication codes (Burgoon & Hoobler, 2002).
Kinesics
The word kinesics comes from the root word kinesis, which means “movement,” and refers to the study of hand, arm, body, and face movements. It is thought by some to be the richest nonverbal code in terms of its power to communicate meaning. When you hear people refer to body language, they are likely referencing kinesics. Specifically, this section will outline the use of gestures, facial expressions, eye contact, and posture as kinetic forms of nonverbal communication.
Gestures: Emblems, Illustrators, Regulators, Adaptors
One of the most common forms of kinesics are gestures, a culturally-specific form of nonverbal communication involving body movements, usually involving the hands and arms. The first type of gesture is known as an emblem, a body movement that replaces a specific word or phrase. Greeting rituals involve greetings and departures, which have practices that are largely nonverbal, such as shaking hands or waving and they tend to vary across cultures. In Japan, for example, it is common to bow when greeting someone, with the nature of the bow (how deep and how long) being determined by the nature of the occasion and social connection of the persons involved. In some cultures, kissing on the cheek is the usual greeting, although how many times the kisses are exchanged and which sexes are included can vary. In other parts of the world there may be hugs and kisses, depending on the context and relationship. In Arab countries it is common to bow and touch the forehead and chest (the salaam) when meeting someone. The Wai is used in Thailand and in other Asian cultures, consisting of a bow with the palms pressed together. In other cultures, people rub noses, such as in the hongi, a traditional greeting of the Maori people in New Zealand. Knowledge of such rituals can be helpful in avoiding awkwardness in first encounters.
Figure 6.3.2: The bow is common in Japan as a greeting and is used in other contexts, such as apologies.
Figure 6.3.3: David Beckham receives a hongi
A second type of gesture is an illustrator. Illustrators are nonverbal gestures that accompany and enhance a verbal message, but unlike emblems, they do not replace a word or phrase. Illustrators are usually closely linked to what is being said and they are used to help clarify the verbal message, show the connection between the speaker and message, emphasize or reinforce the message and to direct the flow of the conversation (Samman, et al, 2009). Perceptions of illustrators vary greatly across cultures. In the United States, if you find that you use your hands while you speak, people may say you “talk with your hands”. Countries such as Italy are known to use a lot of gestures, and to gesture frequently and widely while speaking, as opposed to Asian cultures which may find an over-reliance on hand gestures to be rude and distracting.
A third type of gesture is known as a regulator, a type of body movement that helps guide the flow of conversations. Regulators can be use to initiate, maintain, or even wrap up a conversation. To illustrate, in the United States, it is common to nod our heads up and down to indicate agreemen, and to shake our heads left to right to indicate that we disagree. However, this culturally learned behavior varies across cultures. In India, people nod their heads up and down and bobble, a tilt from side to side, to indicate agreement or politeness. Alternatively, in Bulgaria, they are completely reversed from US practices, shaking their heads left to right to indicate agreement, and up and down to indicate disagreement. In the United States, several nonverbal regulators are commonly used to manage conversational flow and signal turn-taking. These include raising one’s hand to indicate a desire to speak, holding the palm outward to suggest that one is not yet finished speaking or wishes to prevent interruption, and subtly raising the index finger—often with a repeated upward motion—to signal an intent to contribute or interject. In Germany, locals will often practice the a pinecone gesture (fingertips together, palm up, rocking wrist) to express confusion or request clarification.
Cultural Close-Up
One of the richest array of gestures are for communicating insults and obscenities. Insult gestures tend to vary across cultures and are different as well in the extent to which they are used. In Greece, for example, the moutza (μούτζα) is a commonly seen insult gesture. It consists of spreading the fingers (one hand or both) and trusting them outwards, towards the other person (as if flinging something unpleasant). Other gestures may convey skepticism or disbelief, such as the French mon oeil (my eye), using a finger to pull down the lower eyelid. The gesture is also used in Japan, known as the Akanbe (あかんべえ).
Figure 6.3.4: Moutza against the parliament by Greek protesters Figure 6.3.5: Akanbe gesture in Japan
The caution in using gestures extends to those which may be widespread in a culture, and which we may interpret as universal. The North American A-OK sign (circled thumb and pointer finger, with the other fingers spread out) is an obscene gesture in many European cultures. Likewise, the inverted peace sign – two fingers facing inwards is an insult in England and Australia. The thumbs-up gesture signals in North America well done; in Greece and other countries, it is equivalent to the insulting "Up yours!" (Cotton, 2013). US President George W. Bush famously used the hook ‘em horns gesture of the Texas Longhorn football team to signal his approval of the marching band of the University of Texas. In Italy, that gesture is well-known, but it doesn't signal fan enthusiasm or let's rock. It is called il cornuto, indicating that the other person is a cuckold, that is, that his wife is cheating on him (Cotton, 2013).
Figure 6.3.6: Thumbs-up may be an insult Figure 6.3.7: US President George Bush
The final type of gesture is known as an adaptor, a subconscious movement we use to regulate internal and external experiences such as stress, anxiety, boredom, or discomfort. Adaptors come in two forms: self-adaptors and object-adaptors. Self-adaptors involve manipulating parts of your own body, like twisting your hair, cracking your knuckles, or biting your nails. Object-adaptors, on the other hand, involve interacting with external items, such as playing with a piece of jewelry, twirling a pencil between your fingers, or tapping away on your cellphone. When my daughter was a toddler, her favorite object was a baby blanket she affectionately named “B.” B was her constant companion—essential for naps, bedtime, and even visits to Disneyland. Adaptors, whether self- or object-oriented, can be important tools for regulating our emotions and bringing us comfort when needed.
Affect displays refer to the use of facial expressions and body movement to communicate an endless stream of emotions, and we make judgments about what others are feeling by assessing their faces. Our use of emoticons to communicate attitudes and emotions in electronic media testifies to the importance of this type of kinesics. It is often claimed that facial expressions tend to be universal, the idea being that expressing basic emotions is an elemental, instinctive behavior common to all humans. This idea goes back to Charles Darwin (1872) who claimed all humans express emotion in the same way. This was later contradicted by anthropologists such as Margaret Mead (1975). It wasn't until the 1960s that so-called "universality studies" were conducted by Paul Ekman and others. In a series of experiments involving participants from a variety of cultures, they showed that there were six universal expressions — anger, disgust, fear, sadness, happiness, and surprise (Ekman, 1972). Later, a seventh expression, contempt, was added (Ekman & Heider, 1988). As the studies involved people from industrialized countries, who may have learned to interpret faces from mass media, other studies were conducted among tribal groups in New Guinea, which came to similar results (Ekman & Friesen, 1971). An interesting experiment conducted with blind athletes produced the same results as their sighted colleagues (Matsumoto & Willingham, 2009). Because the blind athletes could not have learned the behaviors, one can assume there is an innate capacity to display facial expressions.
Figure 6.3.8: Joy is expressed the same across cultures
What causes particular emotions and determines their intensity can be quite different, both personally and culturally. Ekman and Friesen (1969) coined the term cultural display rules to describe such cultural differences in facial expressions. Consider the smile: People in all cultures have the ability to smile, but cultures value and interpret smiles in different ways. In other words, the meaning behind a smile is not universal. For example, in Russian, people do not smile because it implies that you are foolish, or possibly sneaky and manipulative. Even in family photos, adults often appear with flat or scowling faces. Many Latin American cultures prefer a proud and elegant facial appearance, which does not include smiling. In Japan, smiling is a way to show respect or to hide what you are actually feeling. In the United States, we smile to show a pleasant face to the people around us, to express happiness and gratitude. We often tend to smile for the purposes of getting along with others (Solomon, 2017). Some cultures tend to be much more expressive and rich in their use of facial expressions than others. Italians and Mediterraneans in general are normally placed in that category, while northern Europeans and Asians are seen as more restrained.
Spotlight on Social Media
In her 2024 article Social Media and Its Impact on Nonverbal Communication, Assistant Professor Alveena Wajahat explores how digital platforms are changing the way people express and interpret nonverbal cues. Traditionally conveyed through facial expressions, gestures, tone of voice, and body language, nonverbal communication now competes with emojis, memes, and text messaging. Wajahat highlights both the challenges and opportunities of this shift, noting that while tools like video calls and visual content can enhance emotional expression, the absence or distortion of authentic nonverbal signals can hinder empathy and trust, making it harder to develop emotional connection. She also explores how different platforms—such as TikTok, LinkedIn, and Reddit—foster unique communication norms, which vary across cultures and influence how users perceive and relate to one another. With TikTok, users from different parts of the world share content and interact with one another. Content developers from different countries copy facial expressions, hand gestures, and body movements from other content creators, creating a global nonverbal vocabulary. Consider a dance trend that starts in South Korea might be mirrored by fans in Brazil, Nigeria, and the U.S. within days. These evolving patterns not only affect interpersonal relationships but also shape broader societal norms around emotional expression, identity, and connection in an increasingly digital and globalized world. Read more here, in the International Journal for Multidisciplinary Research.
As you reflect on this reading, consider the following questions:
- How has your use of social media influenced the way you interpret nonverbal cues from people in other cultures?
- In what ways do you think emojis or curated images help—or hinder—authentic emotional expression across cultural boundaries?
- Have you ever experienced a misunderstanding online that you believe would not have occurred in a face-to-face setting? What role did nonverbal communication play?
Codes of general conduct, politeness, or social harmony may influence the public display of emotions. This was shown in a crosscultural experiment (Matsumoto & Ekman, 1989), which studied facial expressions of Japanese and US students while watching emotionally disturbing films. When both groups of young people were among themselves, they showed the same expressions. However, when the Japanese students were with an older, male observer, they displayed neutral expressions or even smiled, while the US students continued to display the same negative emotions. These cultural display rules explain the difference in expressions of the Japanese students in the experiment, as due to the cultural mandate in Japan of managing and minimizing expressions of feelings in the presence of a third party. In Japan it is culturally appropriate to hide unhappiness by smiling or embarrassment by laughing. While weeping in public is considered in Japan to be inappropriate, in Middle Eastern or Latin American cultures it is normal to express one's emotions openly and visibly.
Using the concept of cultural display rules, Matsumoto (1990) developed a theory of the expression of emotions that incorporates Hofstede's taxonomies, particularly as they relate to individualism versus collectivism. According to the theory, because individualistic cultures encourage and reward self-expression, individuals in those cultures are free to express fully and instinctively their feelings, whether they be positive or negative. On the other hand, those in collectivistic cultures are bound by conventions of the collective good and social harmony to regulate their expression of emotion when not alone. Matsumoto also incorporates the concept of power distance:
Large power-distance cultures endorse displays of emotion that reinforce hierarchical relations (i.e., status reminders), such as showing anger toward a low-status person or appeasing a high-status person (e.g., smiling). Small power-distance cultures embrace egalitarian values and teach the importance of treating people as equals. Thus, there is less pressure in these cultures for members to adjust displays of emotion according to the status of another person. (Remland et al., 2014)
Large power distance cultures tend tend to be correlated with collectivism, just as small power distance cultures are correlated with individualism. As always, in such broad-stroke generalizations, caution is needed in applying these labels to individuals. While dominant cultural forces may be powerful, they may be contradicted and potentially negated by values associated with group membership, whether those be ethnic, regional, or other. It is also the case that individual personalities play a significant role in the degree to which emotions are displayed or suppressed. The patterns we've identified in nonverbal behavior should be seen as examples not as absolutes. Being aware of such potential variations can be helpful in adjusting expectations and suspending judgments.
Oculesics
Eye contact, or Oculesics, serves many purposes. We use our eyes to express emotions, regulate a conversation, indicate listening behavior, show interest in others, respect, status, hostility, and aggression (Burgoon, Buller & Woodall, 1996). Patterns of eye contact vary significantly by culture. Generally, eye contact is considered a positive behavior in the United States. It can mean that you are interested, confident, and bold (a good thing), but people often avoid eye contact in crowded, impersonal situations such as walking down a busy street or riding a crowded bus. In France, however, someone may feel free to watch someone interesting on the street and consciously make eye contact to indicate interest. In the Middle East, direct eye contact with strangers is less common and generally less appropriate, whereas lack of eye contact in Asia is often a sign of respect and considered polite. Within the US, different ethnic groups have been found to follow different norms in the use of eye contact to regulate conversations. African-Americans maintain eye contact when speaking but avert their gaze when listening, but just the opposite is true for European Americans (LaFrance & Mayo, 1978). This distinction can lead to conflict:
Interethnic expectancy violations exist when African Americans expect the European Americans to look them in the eyes when speaking but instead receive “nonresponsiveness” or “indifference” cues. European Americans, on the other hand, may view the direct eye gaze during speaking as “confrontational” or “aggressive” (Ting-Toomey, 1999, p.126).
In both pluralistic societies and in cross-cultural encounters, being mindful of variations in this area is important. Nora Dresser's book, Multicultural Matters (2005), chronicles how Korean-American shopkeepers, who did not make eye contact with their customers, were perceived as disrespectful, something contributing to the open confrontation taking place in US urban centers between some Asians and African-Americans. In some contexts in the US, such as in urban areas among teens and young adults, looking directly at someone can be seen as a provocation, reflected in the term "mad-dogging" (Remland et al., 2015).
Figure 6.3.9: Groups may have different expectations in maintaining eye contact in conversations
Posture
Posture is the last item in our list of kinesics. Humans can stand up straight or slouch, lean forward or backward, round or slump our shoulders, and tilt our heads. Mehrabian (1972) believed that posture communicates immediacy and power. Immediacy is the degree to which you find someone interesting and attractive. Typically, when someone from the United States finds someone attractive, they face the person when talking, hold their head up, and lean in. Whereas a reaction to someone they don’t like might have them look away and lean back. Power is the ability to influence people or events. In the United States, high-status communicators typically use relaxed postures (Burgoon et al., 1996), but in Japan, the opposite is true. Japanese display power through erect posture with feel planted firmly on the floor.
Paralanguage
Vocal characteristics we use to communicate nonverbal messages are called vocalics or paralanguage (with-language). Paralanguage involves verbal and nonverbal aspects of speech that influence meaning, including rate, pitch, tone, volume, intensity, pausing, and even silence. Tone and intonation can have a determining effect on the message conveyed, turning a statement, for example, into a sarcastic comment. The volume, fluency, or rhythm of speech can transmit to the listener information such as degree of confidence, nervousness, or even perceived trustworthiness of the speaker. The voice qualities of a speaker can be as important in conveying a message as the semantic value of the words spoken. Scholars who engage in conversation analysis have shown even slight modifications in voice tone or intonation can send a message to the listener.
One of the roles vocalizations play is to function as a back-channel or filler in conversations, a way for a listener to send messages to the speaker (Yngve, 1970). This may consist in English sounds such as "uh-huh" or "hmm", or words and phrases like "yes" or "go on". Back-channel responses play different roles; they may encourage the speaker to continue, indicate the extent of interest, or assess the speaker's statements, i.e., agreeing ("Right”) or expressing doubt ("Do you really think so?”). There may be more than simple words or phrases involved, namely longer utterances completing the speaker's sentences, requesting clarification, or attempting to take the floor. Back-channel communication occurs across cultures, but may vary in norms and expectations, which can cause confusion or awkwardness. Check out Table 6.3.1 to explore different bach-channel or fillers across different cultures and languages.
Table 6.3.1 Cultural Fillers From Around the World
Cultural Fillers from Around the World
|
Country / Region
|
Word / Phrase
|
Meaning / Usage
|
Comparable to “Uh huh”
|
|
France
|
D’accord / Ouais / Mmm
|
“D’accord” = okay; “Ouais” = informal yes; “Mmm” = agreement
|
“Sure” / “Mm-hmm”
|
|
Germany
|
Ja / Mhm / Genau
|
“Ja” = yes; “Mhm” = non-verbal agreement; “Genau” = exactly
|
“Yes” / “Exactly”
|
|
Italy
|
Allora / Eh / Mhmm
|
“Allora” = transition or acknowledgment; “Eh” = soft agreement
|
“Well…” / “Uh huh”
|
|
Japan
|
Hai hai
|
Repeated “yes” to show attentiveness or agreement
|
“Yes, yes” / “Got it”
|
|
Mexico
|
Ajá / Sí / Mmm
|
“Ajá” = acknowledgment or mild surprise; “Mmm” = agreement
|
“Uh huh” / “Yeah”
|
|
Saudi Arabia
|
Na‘am / Aiwa / Mm
|
“Na‘am” = formal yes; “Aiwa” = informal yes/okay; “Mm” = non-verbal
|
“Yes” / “Okay”
|
|
Spain
|
Vale / Ya / Ajá
|
“Vale” = okay; “Ya” = already (used to affirm); “Ajá” = acknowledgment
|
“Okay” / “Right”
|
|
United States
|
Uh huh / Mm-hmm
|
Casual acknowledgment, often non-verbal
|
“Yes,” “I’m listening”
|
How conversations flow varies with culture and context. In situations in which a strict hierarchy is present or when the interaction is highly formal, there may be fixed patterns for managing a conversation and signaling when it is over. In such situations, interrupting a speaker may be inappropriate. There are conversational norms which may play a role. In particular cultures, it is common, even expected, for others to interrupt a speaker frequently. In France, for example, this is seen as part of what constitutes a good conversation.
[Interruptions] signal interest in the other’s remark, which merits a commentary, a word of appreciation, denial, protest, or laughter–in short, a reaction without which the remark would ‘fall flat.’ The ball is tossed to be caught and tossed back. Where there is no ‘interruption,’ when each person speaks sedately in turn (as in American conversation, according to the French), the conversation never ‘takes off’; it remains polite, formal, cold (Carroll, 1988, p. 37).
While this kind of spontaneity and frequent back-and-forth is seen by the French (and in other cultures) as stimulating, it may be seen by some as chaotic or rude. Our cultural backgrounds tend to lead us to make assumptions about others based on paralinguistic clues. One of these clues is the speaker's accent. Non-native accents can often stigmatize the speaker, evoking stereotypes associated with social class, ethnic background, economic status, or level of education. In some cases, a particular accent, such as a British accent in the US, is perceived positively. In most cases, however, accents are perceived negatively and may have real-world consequences for the speaker in terms of discrimination in personal encounters or institutional settings. As is the case with other forms of nonverbal communication across cultures, paralinguistic behaviors vary across cultures and can lead to misunderstanding of another person's intentions or feelings. Harry Triandis (1994) provides a dramatic example of misinterpreting vocal clues:
In January, 1991, James Baker, then the United States Secretary of State, met with Tariq Aziz, the Foreign Minister of Iraq. They met in an effort to reach an agreement that would prevent a war. Also present in the room was the half-brother of Saddam Hussein, whose role included frequent calls to Hussein with updates on the talks. Baker stated, in his standard calm manner, that the US. would attack if Iraq did not move out of Kuwait. Hussein ’s half-brother heard these words and reported that “The Americans will not attack. They are weak. They are calm. They are not angry. They are only talking.” Six days later Iraq saw Desert Storm and the loss of about 175,000 of their citizens. Triandis argued that Iraqis attend to how something is said more than what is said. He further suggests that if Baker had pounded the table, yelled, and shown outward signs of anger, the outcome may have been entirely different (Martin & Nakayama, 2010, p. 277).
Haptics
Touch in communication interaction is called haptics, from the ancient Greek word “haptien.” Cultural norms have a strong impact on how people use and perceive touch. Touch conventions vary significantly across cultures and are dependent as well on age, gender, and relationship. In some Arab cultures, it is common for men to hold hands in particular situations to show close relationships. Some cultures have a taboo on touching the top of someone's head, as in patting a child, as the head is considered sacred. Another taboo, in India, the Middle East, and Africa, is the use of the left hand in certain social situations, such as eating. Cooper, Calloway-Thomas & Simonds (2007) provide a set of rules in relation to touch in Thai culture:
- Don’t touch anyone’s head for any reason. The head is the most important part of the body. It is the seat of the soul.
- Do not touch a female on any part of her body.
- The feet are considered the “dirtiest” part of the body. They are used only for walking. Thus, it is an insult to rest your feet on someone else’s backrest, such as in the cinema or on a train.
- Women must never touch a monk or his robe. Even in a bus or train, Women cannot sit next to a monk.
- Always accept things with your right hand. The left hand is used to Wash the posterior and is therefore regarded as unclean (p. 138).
Hall (1963) suggests that the use of proxemics and haptics merge within a culture to create what researchers now call contact and noncontact cultures. In contact cultures, people stand closer together while talking, touch more frequently, and speak in louder voices. Some examples of contact cultures are cultures in Central and South America, the Middle East, and Eastern and Mediterranean Europe. For example, Latin American cultures tend to hug more than do Northern Europeans. In noncontact cultures, people stand farther apart while talking and touch less. Some examples of noncontact cultures are Great Britain, the United States, and Japan. This difference is exemplified in a study of outdoor cafes in London, England and San Juan, Puerto Rico. Researchers found that Puerto Ricans touched each other an average of 180 times per hour whereas the British average was zero (EPA, 2002). Being aware of such norms in visiting another culture can make seemingly strange behavior understandable and help to avoid embarrassing faux pas.
Contributions and Attributions
Language and Culture in Context: A Primer on Intercultural Communication, by Robert Godwin-Jones. Provided by LibreTexts. License: CC-BY-NC
Intercultural Communication for the Community College, by Karen Krumrey-Fulks. Provided by LibreTexts. License: CC-BY-NC-SA
Exploring Intercultural Communication, by Tom Grothke. Provided by LibreTexts. License: CC-BY-NC-SA
