When it comes to nonverbal communication, we don’t just rely on gestures or facial expressions—we also use space, time, and objects to send powerful messages. Think about how close you stand to someone, how long you wait before replying to a text, or what your outfit says about you before you even speak. These subtle choices reflect cultural values, personal boundaries, and social expectations. In this section, you’ll explore how proxemics (use of space), chronemics (use of time), and artifacts and physical appearance (objects, clothing, and surroundings) shape the way we connect with others—often more than words ever could.
Proxemics
Coming from the Latin proximus, meaning “near,” proxemics refers to communication through the use of physical distance or space. Edward Hall (1966) pioneered the study of proxemics, the perception and use of physical space, including territoriality and personal space. Territoriality is related to control. Who gets the corner office? Who sits at the head of the table and why? Personal space refers to the conversation distance, or the “bubble” of space surrounding each individual. One of the actions that can affect the course of the conversation is for one or the other of the conversants to move closer or further away. Following complaints from both Arab and US students in a North American university setting, O.M. Watson (1970) investigated the nonverbal behavior of the two groups. He found that the US students viewed the Arabs as pushy and rude, while the Arabs considered the US students to be distant and rude. He discovered that a substantial part of the problem were different conceptions of personal space, with the US students feeling the Arab students were invading their bubbles and the Arab students seeing the US students as unfriendly because they were keeping their distance. Hall (1966) developed a four-level classification of social distance.
Figure 6.4.1: The four US spatial zones.
For the US, he defined four spatial zones:
- Intimate space, reserved for highly personal relationships and intimate conversations, as 9 to 18 inches (23 to 45 cm).
- Personal Space, ("arm's length") for personal conversations, 1.5 to 4 feet (.5 to 1.2 m).
- Social distance, for causal gatherings and work environments, 4 to 12 feet (1.2 to 3.6 m).
- Public distance, used for public speaking or large gatherings, 12 feet and longer.
Researchers have identified particular cultures as having a preference for closer proximity and a high degree of physical contact (Aiello, 1987). Examples frequently given are Arabs, Latin Americans, and southern Europeans. Cultures who prefer further interaction distances include the USA, Northern Europe, and Australia. There are other factors besides regional culture which may affect personal distance, such as gender, age, ethnicity, or topic of conversation.
Figure 6.4.2: In some cultures, people like to keep their distance
Figure 6.4.3: Inside a men's bathroom at a University in Madrid, Spain (CC By; Tom Grothe)
Cultural Close-Up
Close that door! You're in Germany
The mutual influences of clarity and order reinforce one another and help create a strong tendency toward compartmentalization in all areas of their lives, for example, inside their dwellings. The open architecture typical of American houses and apartments in which the front door opens into the living room is not common. Walk into a traditional German home or apartment, and you will usually find yourself in a small, closed corridor, or Gang. This corridor provides access to the other rooms of the house or apartment, and the doors to these other rooms will generally be closed. This configuration is considered orderly...Doors remain closed in most German public and office buildings, where a closed door does not mean a private meeting is taking place, but only that the door is closed as German notions of orderliness and clear boundaries dictate (p. 48).
Naked? "This is Brazil. No one cares."
When I lived in Brazil, I was on the Amazon River...The environment clearly interacted with everyday life. Daily temperatures were usually in the 90s and 100s F. [35-40 C.], with a very high humidity. When you show up at someone’s home, they offer you a shower instead of a drink. You take off your clothes, hop in the shower to cool down (but never after eating, because faz mal [“it harms you”]), then put on the same clothes. One time, I went to the shared shower-shed between the houses in the housing area (a wooden shed with a garden hose hanging down). There was a wood plank missing. I went back and asked my host, “What do you wear to shower here?” He laughed and said, “Nothing, of course!” “But there’s a board missing,” I said. “John,” he replied, “this is Brazil. No one cares.” This leads to the notion that, because of climate and social factors, the notion of modesty was also quite different...Many of my friends thought nothing of using my cologne, my toothpaste., even my toothbrush...Because of crowdedness, especially among the working classes, privacy is conceptualized differently. If I stayed at a friend’s house, I would expect to bring my own hammock and string it across the living room—often with other family members
Baldwin, 2008
Chronemics
Figure 6.2.4: An assortment of clocks created by CoPilot.
Time orientation, known as Chronemics, is the study of how we refer to, use, and perceive time. The different perceptions of time, such as the importance of punctuality, can be a source of friction in intercultural encounters. Edward Hall (1959) distinguished between monochronic and polychronic orientations to time. In monochronic time orientation, time is a commodity. Being punctual, completing tasks, and keeping schedules is valued, and may be more important than building or maintaining personal relationships. “Time is money” is a common saying across cultures monochronic-oriented cultures. Those growing up in a culture with a monochronic time orientation are likely to see this view of time as natural and universal. In fact, it is culturally determined and learned. In such cultures, like the US or Germany, children are taught early, at home and in school, the importance of time, scheduling, and promptness. Tardiness and missed appointments are a source of anxiety. Monochronic-oriented cultures perceive time as linear, flowing along in a straight line. We did one task, we’re doing another task now, and we are planning on doing something else later. Plans are not easily changed. People live by an external clock.
In polychronic time-oriented cultures, however, the attitudes towards time are very different. Representative cultures include the Polynesian Islands, southern Europe, Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East. Schedules are less important, and punctuality is not considered an essential virtue. Such cultures are used to having more than one activity or conversation going on at the same time. Individuals are more tolerant of interruptions and going beyond the scheduled time. Time is bent to meet the needs of people, with the attitude that there is always more time. Consequently, plans are fluid. People live by an internal clock. Greater importance is placed on the natural progress of conversations than in keeping to a pre-arranged schedule. Life is lived in the moment, not in relation to a schedule.
Different perceptions of time can vary dramatically when it comes to arranging meetings. Some Mexican American friends may invite you to a barbecue at 8 p.m., but when you arrive you are the first guest, because it is understood that the gathering actually doesn’t start until well after 9 p.m. Similarly in France, an 8 p.m. party invitation would be understood to indicate you should arrive around 8:30, but in Sweden 8 p.m. means 8 p.m., and latecomers may not be welcome. Of course, context plays a role in time orientation. The Japanese have a monochronic time orientation when it comes to business meetings, but are more polychronic in social gatherings.
Physical Appearance and Artifacts
Physical appearance and artifacts profoundly influence our communication encounters. In other words, how you look conveys as much about you as what you say. Physical appearance includes attributes such as hair, clothing, body type, and personal grooming. Across cultures, people credit individuals they find physically attractive with higher levels of intelligence, persuasiveness, poise, sociability, warmth, power, and employment success than they credit to unattractive individuals (Hatfield & Sprecher, 1986). Communication researchers call this tendency to make a blanket judgment of a person based on one trait the halo (positive) or horns (negative) effect. As physical attractiveness is variable across cultures, and constantly being redefined, beauty is in the eye of the beholder.
Artifacts are the things we possess that influence how we see ourselves and that we use to express our identity to others. They can include rings and tattoos, but may also include brand names and logos. From clothes to cars, watches, briefcases, purses, and even eyeglasses, what we choose to surround ourselves with communicates something about our sense of self. They may project gender, role or position, class or status, personality, and group membership or affiliation.
Many cultures have rules and conventions for dress and appearance, established through custom or religious beliefs. Women in Muslim countries, for example, dress so that their hair is covered and, in some cases, also their bodies and faces. In some cases, dress can provide information about social/economic position, marital status, or age. In Japan, women's kimonos vary according to the time of year and occasion, but also based on marital status and age. For the Masai tribe in Kenya, earrings and necklaces designate the marital status of women, while men wear earrings and arm rings that show their social status, indicating whether they are elders or warriors (Vandehey, Buergh & Krueger, 1996). In rural northern India, the level of a woman's veil over her face can indicate romantic interest or disinterest (Lambert & Wood, 2005). Dress and physical appearance can be important identifiers for membership in particular groups. Members of motorcycle gangs wear black leather and heavy boots. Japanese businessmen ("salarymen") wear dark, conservative suits and plain ties. Japanese tourists often wear a resort hotel's yukata (a lightweight kimono) signaling to others in the town their role (Ting-Toomey, 1999). In this way, forms of dress serve as identity markers. Certain uniforms signal professions, as in the case of police officers or members of the military, while also conveying a sense of authority and power.
Figure 6.4.5: Woman wearing a niqab (veil)
Body piercings and tattoos, in bygone days, indicators of low-prestige socio-economic status (sailors, carnival workers), have become mainstream among young people in the US and elsewhere. Older people are likely to retain the images from the past and may have a negative view of heavily tattooed or pierced young people. One of the persistent stereotypes is in regards to women's dress and appearance. Young women in mini skirts and tank tops, especially if blonde, may be perceived as flighty and unintelligent. Muslim women wearing a hijab face prejudice and discrimination in many non-Muslim countries, which is even more pronounced for those wearing a whole body burqua. In some Western countries, wearing traditional Muslim female dress in public or in schools has been banned. In the US, hooded sweatshirts (hoodies) are often associated with young black men. In Florida, a young black man, Treyvon Martin, was wearing a hoodie when shot dead by a white "neighborhood watch" member as he was returning from a convenience store. The white man found Martin "suspicious", due to his skin color and attire.
Figure 6.4.6: Tattoos have become commonplace in American culture
Appearance messages are generally the first nonverbal codes we process, sizing up the other person based on skin color, appearance, and clothing. The first impression might determine our attitude towards another person, helping to determine whether we want to get to know that person or not. Sometimes, some features of the other person's appearance might lead to specific prejudgments. One of those might be the particular shade of skin. Black people with darker skin are sometimes viewed as somehow less attractive or having lower status than Blacks with lighter skin. Light-skinned Blacks may feel discriminated against as well. In South American countries such as Brazil, there is a rich mix of ethnicities and races, resulting in a wide range of skin colors and a complex social hierarchy, built in part on the particular shade of one's skin (Lovell & Wood, 1998).
Contributions and Attributions
Language and Culture in Context: A Primer on Intercultural Communication, by Robert Godwin-Jones. Provided by LibreTexts. License: CC-BY-NC
Intercultural Communication for the Community College, by Karen Krumrey-Fulks. Provided by LibreTexts. License: CC-BY-NC-SA
Exploring Intercultural Communication, by Tom Grothke. Provided by LibreTexts. License: CC-BY-NC-SA
