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Section 4.1: History and Demographics of Latin@ Subgroups

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    206920
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    Brief History and Demographics of Latin@ Subgroups

     

    Mexican Americans form the largest subgroup and also the oldest of Latin@ subgroups. Prior to the annexation of Texas and the Mexican-American War, the Southwest portion of the United States was Mexican and Spanish territory. As the United States began to expand westward under the guise of "Manifest Destiny" and the conquest of Indigenous ancestral lands, there were political, economic, and ideological pressures to acquire Mexican territories. With the Battle of San Jacinto in 1836, the Mexican-American War of 1846 and the Gadsen Purchase of 1853, the U.S. succeeded in acquiring most of the Southwest from Mexico. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, signed at the end of the war between Mexico and the U.S., guaranteed specific rights to all people of Mexican origin living in the U.S. including full American citizenship, retention of Spanish as a legitimate language, political rights, and the retention of land ownership. These rights were not honored by the U.S. and the Mexicans subsequently experienced a significant loss of land, social status, culture and language. They were treated as second-class citizens and a source of expendable labor.

    Mexican migration to the United States increased in the early 1900s in response to the need for agricultural labor. Mexican migration during this period was often circular; workers would stay for a few years and then go back to Mexico with more money than they could have made in their country of origin. The length of Mexico’s shared border with the United States has made immigration easier than for many other immigrant groups. There were also periods of anti-immigrant sentiment culminating in deportations and repatriations, such as during the Great Depression in the 1930's and Operation Wetback during the 1950's. After the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, which removed national-origins quotas and allowed for family reunification, the percentage of immigrants from Mexico grew considerably.

     

    U.S. Hispanic population reached more than 63 million in 2022

    Figure 4.1.1. U.S. Hispanic population reached nearly 64 million in 2022. (Used with permission; U.S. Hispanic populahttps://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2023/09/22/key-facts-about-us-latinos-for-national-hispanic-heritage-month/sr_23-09-22_hispanic-key-facts_1-png/tion reached more than 63 million in 2022. Pew Research Center. Washington, D.C. (2023))

    The socio-historical forces that forged the Puerto Rican population in the United States are different than those that created the Mexican-American community but were also influenced by U.S. imperialism and expansion. The end of the Spanish-American War of 1898 brought U.S. citizenship to Puerto Ricans and the Jones Act of 1917 allowed them open access to the U.S. mainland prior to the island becoming a commonwealth in 1952. These changes in concert with neo-liberal policies such as Operation Bootstrap created economic conditions that pushed Puerto Ricans onto the mainland. By the 1940s, 70,000 Puerto Ricans had settled on the mainland and by the 1950s, nearly 20 percent of the Puerto Rican population now resided on the mainland. By 1970, the number had grown to 800,000 and to 2.4 million in the early 1990's. Today, there approximately 5.1 million Latinx of Puerto Rican descent living in the United States, representing the second-largest Latinx subgroup. About 30% of them were born in Puerto Rico. More recently, there has been an increase in migration to the state of Florida. According to the Pew Research Center, since the aftermath of Hurricane María, the Puerto Rican population in Florida has increased to one million, and 29% of mainland Puerto Ricans now live in Florida.

    Cuban Americans are the third-largest Latin@ subgroup, and their history is quite different from that of Mexican Americans. The main wave of Cuban immigration to the United States started after Fidel Castro came to power in 1959 and reached its crest with the Mariel boatlift in 1980. Castro’s Cuban Revolution ushered in an era of communism that continues to this day. To avoid having their assets seized by the government, many wealthy and educated Cubans migrated north, generally to the Miami area. Prior to the revolution, fewer than 50,000 Cubans lived in the United States. By 1973, the numbers grew to 500,000 and 1 million by 1993. Today, there are approximately 2.3 million Latin@ of Cuban origin in the United States and mostly concentrated in Florida (66%). There are important factors that have differentiated the Cuban experience from that of other Latin@ groups. For instance, most Cubans came to the U.S. as political refugees and have received a positive reception from the U.S. government with the passage of the Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966 and the "Wet-foot, dry-foot" policy modification passed in the 1990s (later rescinded by President Obama in 2017). Second, the majority of first wave Cuban refugees were from the middle and upper classes, displaced by the Cuban revolution. With the support and aid provided by the U.S. government, many were able to apply their business skills and educational training in the United States. In Southern Florida, a much larger percentage of businesses and banks are owned by Cubans compared to other Latinx communities.

    The Latin@ population reached 60.6 million in 2019, up from 50.7 million in 2010, accounting for 52% of the overall U.S. population growth over this period. However, the population growth rate of the Latinx population has slowed consistently over time. For example, between 1995 and 2000, the population growth was 4.8% while between 2015-2019 the population growth was 1.9%.

    The Latin@ population also has the lowest median age among the four major racial/ethnic groups. The median age is 30 while median age for whites is 44, 38 for Asian Americans, and 35 for African Americans. The younger age composition has important sociological ramifications such as representation in the educational system, the composition and percentage of new voters, and future demographic growth.

    The Hispanic Population will reach 111 million by 2060.
    Figure \(\PageIndex{2}\): Projected Hispanic Population Growth in the United States. (CC PDM 1.0; via U.S. Census Bureau)

     

    Reasons for Migrating and Settlement Patterns

    According to immigration scholars, there are many reasons migrants from Latin American countries have provided for leaving their home country and making an oftentimes harrowing and dangerous journey, and in many cases crossing more than one international border to arrive in the United States (Valenzuela, 1999; Hondagneu-Sotelo, 1992; Chavez, 2001; .  The following is a list of reasons from research studies: 

    1) Push and pull economic factors such as availability of jobs, inflation, and economic downturns.  For example, relatively higher paying jobs in the U.S. agricultural industry would serve as a "pull" migration factor for rural migrants living in Mexico.  

    2) Deliberate labor recruitment. An example of this would be the initiation of the "Bracero Program", an official labor agreement signed between the U.S. and Mexico in 1942 to fill labor vacancies during World War II. 

    3) Social and kin (family) networks.  Once families, friends, and acquaintances have migrated and settled in the U.S., they become a social force for continued migration due to family reunification and the creation of ethnic enclaves.  

    4) Immigration becomes part of a family or town's history.  Many times, once a young person becomes of a certain age, they are expected to leave their family or town and migrate to the U.S. as part of a tradition.  

    5) Target earners. Some migrants come to the U.S. and plan to stay temporarily until they save a target amount of money (e.g. $25,000 in order to build a new house in their hometown) and then return to their home country.  

    6) Dissatisfaction with opportunities. Many people are dissatisfied with economic or educational opportunities in their home country and decide to migrate to the U.S. for relatively better options.  

    7) Natural disasters. Oftentimes after a natural disaster, such as a hurricane, people are displaced and may flee to the U.S. out of desperation or to reunite with family or friends.  

    8) Adventure and curiosity. A smaller percentage of migrants leave their home countries out of a sense of adventure and curiosity.  

    9) Gendered migration. Migrants have also felt pressure to leave their home country to escape patriarchy in their home country.  For example, women may feel the need to escape oppressive conditions within their households or larger social institutions.  

    10) The American Dream/"El Sueño Americano".  People also report migrating to the U.S. because of a belief in the American Dream or El Sueño Americano which is a belief that jobs and opportunities are plentiful and upward mobility into an idealized and romanticized vision of a middle class is possible. 

     

    In her studies on gendered migration, Hondagneu-Sotelo (1992) identified three types of migration that influence the settlement patterns of individuals and families once they are here in the U.S.  The first is "Family-Stage" migration where the head of household (traditionally male) migrates first then the remainder of the family members migrate in stages. This type of migration oftentimes experience expose gender conflict especially if the married couple reunify after several years of separation, requiring the wife/mother to assume head of household responsibilities back home.  The second type is "Family-Unit" migration where the family typically migrates all at once. Due to the cost prohibitive nature of a family migrating all at once, these families tend to be from higher social classes in their home countries. This type of migration often have a more gender egalitarian because it requires the family to plan and make arrangement together and may depend on the help of both sides of the family. The third type of migration is "Single-Stage" migration where individuals migrate to the U.S. as unmarried singles and form a family here in the United States. This type of migration leads to a higher percentage of people marrying outside of their ethnic group or nationality. 

     

    In his study on the roles of children in the settlement patterns or Mexican families in California, Valenzuela (1999) found that the they often play 3 distinct roles: 

    1) Tutors. Oftentimes, children serve as translators for their parents or relatives. They also serve as teachers and cultural brokers for their own parents and younger siblings.  

    2) Advocates. Children may also need to intervene or mediate on behalf of their parents or family even during challenging transactions or difficult situations. For example, advocating on behalf of their parent when speaking with a monolingual English speaking law enforcement officer or bill collector.  This many often lead to strain or role confusion for the child advocate.  

    3) Surrogate Parents.  Children may need to serve as nannies or in parent-like roles for their younger siblings. This may become a necessity if the parents work long hours and may also lead to role confusion within the household.  

    Valenzuela also discovered that the female children were given the most responsibility in serving these roles and the oldest children were more often expected to take on the role of surrogate parents.  
     

    Applying Sociology: How do the reasons for migrating, types of migration, and roles of children relate to your own experiences or the experiences of your family members? How are these similar and different from previous waves of immigration to the U.S.? 

     

    Country of Origin

    According to the Pew Research Center, figure 8.1.3 shows that in 2018 the Mexican-origin population accounted for 62% of the overall Latinx population in the United States. The second largest group, Puerto Ricans, has seen an increase in migration from the island to the mainland in the last few years and made up 9.7% of the U.S. Latinx population. The third-largest group is the Cuban-origin population, made up 4% of the U.S. Latinx population and the Salvadoran-origin population is close behind with 3.9%. The South American subgroup with the highest percentage is Colombian, making up 2.1% of the total Latinx population. The remainder of Central and South Americans countries on the list each make up less than 2 percent of the total population but represent a wide array of rich regional traditions and cultures.

    Figure \(\PageIndex{3}\): Hispanic origin groups in the U.S., 2018. (Used with permission; Pew Research Center, Washington, D.C. (2020))Hispanic origin groups in the U.S., 2018

    Immigration Status and Citizenship

    Overall, in 2018 approximately 80% of the Latin@ population are U.S. citizens, including those living in Puerto Rico. Due to their unique historical colonial experience, virtually all Puerto Ricans are U.S. citizens. Panamanians (89%) and Mexicans (80%) have among the highest citizenship rates, which Hondurans (53%) and Venezuelans (51%) have the lowest citizenship rates. According to Figure 8.1.4, the overall share of Latin@ immigrants has dropped since 2007 and immigrants now make up 33% of the total Latin@ population. As the largest group by far, the Mexican population is close to the mean and approximately 30% of its population are immigrants. Similarly, all other groups have experienced a drop in percentage of foreign-born in their respective groups. Cubans, Salvadorans, and Dominicans have a similar percentage of foreign-born with 56%, 56%, and 54%, respectively. Guatemalans, Colombians, and Hondurans all have a foreign-born rate of 61%.

    Immigrant share has fallen in largest Latino origin groups since 2007

    Figure \(\PageIndex{4}\): Immigration share has fallen in larges Latino origin groups since 2007. (Used with permission; Pew Research Center, Washington, D.C. (2020))

     

    According the USDA, in 2016 over 70% of the farm worker labor force in the United States was foreign-born, mostly from Latin America. Approximately 21% of the farm worker labor force were authorized immigrants with permanent residency or green cards and 48% of the farm worker labor force was made up of unauthorized immigrant workers. As we know from other research studies, such as Milkman et al (2010), undocumented workers are more susceptible to workplace violations, low wages, and threats from employers.

     

    Farmworkers.jpg
    Figure 5.1.5: "Farm workers picking cucumbers." (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0Bread for the World via Flickr)

     

    Mexican Americans, especially those who are undocumented, are at the center of a national debate about immigration. Myers (2007) observes that no other people of color (except the Chinese) has immigrated to the United States in such an environment of illegality. He notes that in some years, three times as many Mexican immigrants may have entered the United States illegally historically as those who arrived legally. It should be noted that this is due to enormous disparity of economic opportunity on two sides of an open border, not because of any inherent inclination to break laws. In his report, “Measuring Immigrant Assimilation in the United States,” Jacob Vigdor (2008) states that Mexican immigrants experience relatively low rates of economic and civil assimilation. He further suggests that “the slow rates of economic and civic assimilation set Mexicans apart from other immigrants and may reflect the fact that the large numbers of Mexican immigrants residing in the United States illegally have few opportunities to advance themselves along these dimensions.”

    By contrast, Cuban Americans are often seen as a model people of color within the larger Latin@ group. Many Cubans had higher socioeconomic status when they arrived in this country, and their anti-Communist agenda has made them welcome refugees to this country. In south Florida, especially, Cuban Americans are active in local politics and professional life. As with Asian Americans, however, being a model minority can mask the issue of powerlessness that these people of colors face in U.S. society.

    Despite the rhetoric of anti-immigrant politicians and commentators, Light, He, & Robey (2020) did not find empirical evidence that undocumented criminality has increased in recent years. Using comprehensive arrest data in Texas between 2012 and 2018, they found that "undocumented immigrants have substantially lower crime rates than native-born citizens and legal immigrants across a range of felony offenses."

     

    Recent Immigration Trends

     

    At the end of 2023, migrant encounters at the U.S.-Mexico border increased dramatically, especially since the official end of the Coronavirus epidemic (see Figure 5.1.6).  In this period, encounters have surpassed 200,000 a month on three separate occasions, peaks not recorded since 2000.  One significant policy change was in response to the Coronavirus epidemic was to invoke Title 42 under the Trump administration, which allowed the US government to expel migrants back to their home countries without being held in custody or allowed migration proceedings.  After the end of the pandemic, Title 42 was revoked after the end of the pandemic and the policy reverted back to the status quo pre-pandemic policy.  Historically, the majority of encounters at the U.S.-Mexico border were primarily migrants from Mexico and the "Northern Triangle" (migrants from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras).  However, this has shifted more recently due to the drop in migration from Mexico in general and an increase in migration from South American countries and China.  At the end of 2023, the majority of enounters at the border (54%) were migrants from nations "other than the 4 countries". The highest increase has been the number of encounters of migrants from Venezuela and China. 

     

    PewMigrationEncounters23.png

    Figure \(\PageIndex{6}\): Migrant encounters at the U.S.-Mexico Border hit a record high at the end of 2023. (Used with permission; Pew Research Center, Washington, D.C. (2024))

     

     

     

     

    Contributors and Attributions

    Works Cited

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    • Chavez-Dueñas, N.Y., Adames, H.Y., & Organista, K.C. (2014). Skin-Color Prejudice and Within-Group Racial Discrimination: Historical and Current Impact on Latino/a Populations. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences. Vol. 36(1), pp. 3-26.
    • Chavez, L. (2001). Covering Immigration: Popular Images and the Politics of a Nation. UC Press, Berkeley. 
    • Gonzalez-Barrera, A. & Krogstad, J.M. (2019 June, 2019). What we know about [undocumented] immigration from Mexico. Pew Research Center.
    • Hondagneu-Sotelo, P. (1992). Overcoming Patriarchal Contstraints: The Reconstruction of Gender Relations Among Mexican Immigrant Women and Men. Gender and Society. Vol. 6(3). 
    • Gramlich, John. (2024). Migrant Encounters at the U.S.-Mexico border hit a record high at the end of 2023. Pew Research Center. 
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    • Noe-Bustamane, L., Mora, L, & Lopez, M. (2020). About One-in-Four U.S. Hispanics Have Heard of Latinx, but Just 3% use it. Pew Research Center, August 11, 2020
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    • Valenzuela, Abel. (1999). Gender Roles and Settlement Activities among Children and their Immigrant Families. American Behavioral Scientist. Vol. 42(4)

    This page titled Section 4.1: History and Demographics of Latin@ Subgroups is shared under a CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Carlos Ramos.