12.5: Curricula, Tracking, and the Social Dynamics of Achievement

Inequality is also perpetuated through what is taught (and not taught) and how students are sorted within schools. The standard curriculum has long been criticized for centering White, Euro-American experiences and marginalizing the histories and contributions of people of color. This creates an “epistemic injustice” where the knowledge of dominant groups is validated while that of others is erased. Recent political battles highlight the high stakes of this conflict. Since 2021, at least 18 states have imposed bans or restrictions on teaching about race and racism (Najarro 2023). Despite this, polling indicates strong public support (82-85%) for teaching the history of racism and slavery and its contemporary legacy (Najarro 2023). Efforts to implement Black studies curricula are supported by 73% of voters, suggesting a significant disconnect between political legislation and public desire for inclusive education (Najarro 2023).

Academic tracking—the practice of sorting students into different course sequences (e.g., remedial, general, honors, Advanced Placement)—often replicates racial segregation within supposedly integrated schools. Students of color, particularly Black and Latinx students, are disproportionately placed in lower-track classes that offer less rigorous, more rote instruction, while White and Asian American students are overrepresented in gifted and AP courses (Darling-Hammond 2001). This tracking is influenced by implicit bias in teacher expectations and recommendations, creating a self-fulfilling prophecy of lower achievement.

The pursuit of academic success itself carries different social meanings and costs across racial groups. Research informed by John Ogbu’s cultural-ecological theory suggests that some involuntary minority groups may develop an oppositional cultural frame, where academic success is stigmatized as “acting White” (Fuller-Rowell and Doan 2010). However, this view is contested. Alternative frameworks, like those offered by Margaret Beale Spencer, posit that such attitudes are not inherent to Black culture but are contextual coping strategies in response to stereotype threat and discrimination in predominantly White, high-achieving settings (Fuller-Rowell and Doan 2010). Empirical studies show that African American and Native American adolescents can experience greater social costs for academic success, particularly in high-achieving schools where they are a small minority (Fuller-Rowell and Doan 2010). This complex social-psychological terrain underscores that achievement gaps are not merely about individual effort but are shaped by powerful peer dynamics and identity negotiations in racialized school contexts.