A predicate which normally describes one type of situation can sometimes be coerced into a different situation type (Aktionsart) by contextual factors. De Swart (1998: 360) describes this process as follows:
Typically, coercion is triggered if there is a conflict between the aspectual character [i.e., Aktionsart—PK] of the eventuality description and the aspectual constraints of some other element in the context. The felicity of an aspectual reinterpretation is strongly dependent on linguistic context and knowledge of the world.
In example (33a), for example, a basically stative predicate (know the answer) is coerced into a change-of-state (achievement) interpretation by the adverb suddenly, which emphasizes the starting point of the state.24
(33) a. Suddenly I knew the answer.
b. I read The Lord of the Rings for a few minutes.
c. John played the sonata for about eight hours.
d. For months, the train arrived late.
Examples (33b–c) both involve predicates which normally describe telic events (read The Lord of the Rings and play the sonata), specifically accomplishments. In both cases an activity reading is coerced by an adverbial PP which specifies the duration of the event. In (33b) the time span that is specified (a few minutes) is much too short for the entire event of reading The Lord of the Rings to be accomplished. As a result, we interpret the statement to mean that the speaker carried out a certain activity, namely reading portions of The Lord of the Rings, for a few minutes. In (33c) the time span that is specified (for about eight hours) is much longer than it would normally take to play a sonata. The most natural interpretation is that John played the sonata over and over again for about eight hours. This iterative interpretation describes an activity, because it has no natural endpoint.
Example (33d) involves a predicate (arrive) which is both telic and instantaneous, i.e., an achievement. The instantaneous nature of the basic meaning conflicts with the long duration specified by the adverbial phrase (for months), which results in a habitual interpretation: the train always or usually arrived late whenever it ran during those months. As mentioned above, habitual situations can be considered to be a type of state.
De Swart (1998) points out that coercion effects are often triggered by a kind of selectional restriction that is associated with some tense and aspect markers. In Sections 20.2 and 20.4.2 above we discussed examples of grammatical morphemes (the progressive aspect markers in English and Mandarin) which can normally be used only for describing events, and not for states. Similar restrictions are found in a number of other languages as well: certain tense or aspect markers may select for specific situation types (Aktionsart). De Swart (1998) refers to selectional restrictions of this kind as aspectual sensitivity.
In §20.2 we illustrated the principle that stative predicates cannot normally be expressed in the progressive with examples like those in (34a–c). However, we noted there that some such examples might be acceptable with a coerced interpretation in certain contexts. The progressive in (34d), for example, suggests that the described state is temporary and likely to last only a short time. The progressive form of (34e) seems to coerce a basically stative proposition, which would be a tautology in the simple present (he is himself ), into an eventive (activity) interpretation, roughly ‘acting in a way typical of him’.
(34) a. * This room is being too warm.
b. * I am knowing the answer.
c. * George is loving sauerkraut.
d. George is loving all the attention he is getting this week.
e. Arthur is being himself.
De Swart discusses two past tense forms in French: the passé simple vs. the imparfait. She suggests that they differ primarily in terms of their aspectual sensitivity: the passé simple occurs only with bounded situations, while the imparfait occurs only with unbounded situations. The normal way of expressing a state that was true in the past is with the imparfait, as in (35a), because states are not naturally bounded. When the passé simple is used for stative predicates, as in (35b), the sentence must receive a bounded interpretation through some kind of coercion effect. Depending on context, it could be bounded either by referring to the beginning of the state (ingressive/inchoative reading), or by describing a state that held true only for a limited period of time.
(35) a. Anne était triste.
Anne was(imp) sad.
‘Anne was sad.’
b. Anne fut triste.
Anne was(ps) sad.
‘Anne became sad.’ or: ‘Anne was sad for a while.’
The use of the passé simple in the second sentence of (36a) causes the normally stative predicate to be interpreted as an event (change of state) which takes place subsequent to the previous event in the narrative. The use of the imparfait in (36b) is interpreted as describing a state which overlaps the event described in the preceding sentence.
(36) a. Georges annonça sa résignation. Anne fut triste.
George announced his resignation. Anne was(ps) sad.
‘George announced his resignation. Anne became sad (as a result).’
b. Georges annonça sa résignation. Anne était triste
George announced his resignation. Anne was(imp) sad.
‘George announced his resignation. Anne was sad (during that time).’
A similar contrast is illustrated in (37). The use of the passé simple in the second clause of (37a) causes ‘cross the street’ to be interpreted as a bounded event (an accomplishment) which takes place subsequent to the event in the previous clause. The use of the imparfait in (37b) is interpreted as describing an unbounded event (an activity) which overlaps with the event described in the previous clause.
(37) a. Quand elle vit Georges, Anne traversa la rue.
when she saw George Anne crossed(ps) the street
‘When/after she saw George, Anne crossed the street.’
b. Quand elle vit Georges, Anne traversait la rue.
when she saw George Anne crossed(imp) the street
‘When she saw George, Anne was crossing the street.’
The adverbial phrase ‘for two hours’ in (38) imposes bounds on an activity (playing the piano) which would otherwise be unbounded. In this context, the most natural description of a past event would use the passé simple, as in (38a). De Swart states that the use of the imparfait in (38b) cannot describe a single event of Anne playing the piano for two hours, but could receive a habitual interpretation: whenever she played the piano, she used to play for two hours.
(38) a. Anne joua du piano pendant deux heures.
Anne played(ps) the piano for two hours
‘Anne played the piano for two hours.’
b. Anne jouait du piano pendant deux heures.
Anne played(imp) the piano for two hours
‘Anne used to play the piano for two hours.’
We will see more examples of coercion effects arising from aspectual sensitivity in the next two chapters.
24 The examples in (33) are adapted from de Swart (1998: 359).
