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2: The Science of Social Science

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    1) Social Science and Science

    At their core, the social sciences apply the ‘scientific method’ to the analysis of people, societies, power, and social change. So in order to understand social science, it’s important to know both what “the scientific method” and “science” are, what they are not, and ways they should and should not be used.

    Science

    What is science? To some, science refers to high school or college courses such as physics, chemistry, and biology. To others, science is a craft practiced by scientists in white coats using specialized equipment in their laboratories.

    Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\): Copy and Paste Caption here. (Copyright; author via source)

    A typical view of a “scientist” doing “science.” (Public domain)

    To be more specific, however, science refers to a systematic and organized body of knowledge in any area of inquiry that is acquired using the scientific method (the scientific method is described further in the next section).

    Science can be grouped into two broad categories: natural science and social science. Natural science is the science of naturally occurring objects or phenomena, such as light, objects, matter, earth, celestial bodies, or the human body. Natural sciences can be further classified into physical sciences, earth sciences, life sciences, and others. Physical sciences consist of disciplines such as physics (the science of physical objects), chemistry (the science of matter), and astronomy (the science of celestial objects). Earth sciences consist of disciplines such as geology (the science of the earth). Life sciences include disciplines such as biology (the science of human bodies) and botany (the science of plants).

    In contrast, social science is the science of people or collections of people, such as groups, firms, societies, or economies, and their individual or collective behaviors. Social sciences can be classified into disciplines such as psychology (the science of human behaviors), sociology (the science of social groups), economics (the science of firms, markets, and economies), and others. A list of the various social sciences was given in the first chapter.

    The natural sciences are different from the social sciences in several respects. The natural sciences are very precise, accurate, deterministic, and independent of the person making the scientific observations. For instance, a scientific experiment in physics, such as measuring the speed of sound through a certain media or the refractive index of water, should always yield the exact same results, regardless of the time or place of the experiment, or the person conducting the experiment. If two students conducting the same physics experiment obtain two different values of these physical properties, then it generally means that one or both of those students must be in error.

    However, the same cannot be said for the social sciences, which tend to be less accurate, deterministic, or unambiguous. For instance, if you measure a person’s happiness using a hypothetical instrument, you may find that the same person is more happy or less happy (or sad) on different days and sometimes, at different times on the same day. One’s happiness may vary depending on the news that person received that day or on the events that transpired earlier during that day.

    Furthermore, there is not a single instrument or metric that can accurately measure a person’s happiness. Hence, one instrument may calibrate a person as being “more happy” while a second instrument may find that the same person is “less happy” at the same instant in time. In other words, there is a high degree of measurement error in the social sciences and there is considerable uncertainty and little agreement on social science policy decisions.

    For instance, you will not find many disagreements among natural scientists on the speed of light or the speed of the earth around the sun, but you will find numerous disagreements among social scientists on how to solve a social problem such as reducing global terrorism or rescuing an economy from a recession. Any student studying the social sciences must be comfortable with handling higher levels of ambiguity, uncertainty, and error that come with such sciences.

    Five Key Properties of Science

    In order for a conclusion about either the natural or the social world to be “scientific” it has to be arrived at in a certain way. Scientific research has five key properties:

    • Science is empirical.
    • Science is repeatable.
    • Science is self-correcting.
    • Science relies on rigorous observation.
    • Science strives to be objective.
    • Science Is Empirical

    Empirical means “derived from experience.” Scientists “experience” the world and make observations from that actual experience, like touching a cactus and finding it’s sharp.

    Another kind of observation is an inside-the-head one, observation of one’s own consciousness and thought processes. This second technique is known as introspection. This kind of observation is not empirical. For example, you can imagine lying on a beach and relaxing and then to report how that thought makes you feel. You might report it to be a very effective way of helping you to relax. But because you did not have to leave your own head, so to speak, your feeling is not an empirical observation - you can’t conclude from it that beaches are in fact relaxing, because you never experienced an actual beach. You’re only experiencing your own imagination of a beach.

    It is probably fair to say that empirical observations are the most fundamental principle of science. These experience-based, public observations are what allow the remaining four characteristics of science to be achieved. Empirical observations are the fundamental basis of science.

    Science Is Repeatable

    After conducting a scientific research project, a scientist often publishes an article about their research in a scientific journal. One of the sections of that article would be called Methods and it would lay out in great detail how the scientist conducted their study. If future researchers wanted to repeat the study, all they would have to do is pick up the article and follow the methods like a recipe. This process, repeating a research study, is called replication.

    Well, that sounds boring and useless, you might think. How do science and psychology progress if researchers spend their time repeating someone else’s study? First, replication is precisely what creates the third key property of science, the capacity for self-correction (see below).

    Second, relatively few studies are simple repetitions of previous studies. Instead, the replication seeks to repeat some key aspects of an earlier study while introducing a new wrinkle. To give a simple example, a replication of a study done on learning in preschool children might examine the same phenomenon in children in the primary grades. It could show that the way that preschool children learn also applies to children of other ages as well.

    Replication applies both to methods and the results of a study. If a study is repeated exactly in terms of method, it should yield the same results.

    Science Is Self-Correcting

    It was stated above that replication is what allows science to be self-correcting. Self-correcting means, roughly, that evidence based on good research tends to accumulate, while information based on bad research tends to fade away and be forgotten.

    Here are two real-life examples of this scenario.

    First, in 1989, a team of scientists claimed that they had achieved something called cold fusion, a nuclear reaction previously thought to be impossible. Observers noted that the results of these experiments, if verified, could be harnessed to solve the world’s energy supply problems (Energy Research Advisory Board, USDOE, 1989). Researchers across the world could not believe that this difficult problem, with such important potential for the human race, had finally been solved. Many tried to replicate these results in their own labs. The vast majority was unable to do so, and the original research was forgotten.

    The second example is from biology. In 1997, a team of researchers again claimed that they had achieved what had previously been thought impossible. They were able to clone a higher mammal, a sheep; they named her Dolly. Doubting researchers across the world attempted to replicate these results, and this time, they were successful. Since the cloning of Dolly, there have been other sheep, cats, deer, dogs, horses, mules, oxen, rabbits, rats, and rhesus monkeys (NHGRI, 2017). It is now commonly accepted scientific knowledge that cloning of higher mammals is possible.

    Of course, it can take many years for enough evidence to accumulate on one side of a controversy in order to draw a firm conclusion. This lengthy time frame makes it very frustrating to be a consumer of scientific information. We may learn through media reports, for example, that a study found a particular diet to be safe and effective. Soon after, another study is reported in which the first study is contradicted. What is happening is that we are hearing about the individual pieces that compose the scientific controversy while it is still in progress.

    Science Relies on Rigorous Observation

    Scientific evidence produced under tightly controlled conditions is what allows the scientist to draw valid conclusions. These conditions are defined by specific research methods. These methods are essentially the rules for making scientific observations. There are many different research methods depending on what type of science you are doing and what questions you are trying to investigate. There are entire courses that teach the details (that is, the rules) about various methods and explain why one method may be more appropriate in a given situation than another. The important point here is that scientists learn about phenomena by carefully controlling, recording, and analyzing their empirical observations.

    Science Strives to Be Objective

    Science strives to be objective in two ways. First, scientists strive to be personally objective; they try to not let their personal beliefs influence their research. Second, the observations that scientists make must be objective, meaning that different observers would observe the same thing. For example, if a research participant answers a question on a survey by choosing a number on a 5-point scale, different observers would be able to agree which number was chosen.

    It can be very difficult to make objective observations. Imagine sending different observers out to watch a group of children and count how many aggressive acts they commit. As you might guess, the different observers might come back with very different reports. One source of difficulty can be the personal background and beliefs of the individual observers. Perhaps one observer believes that boys are more aggressive, so they watch boys more carefully than they watch girls.

    Another source of difficulty when trying to make objective observations is a lack of clarity about precisely what is being observed. In order to make observations more objective, researchers use operational definitions. Operational definitions specify exactly how a concept will be measured in the research study.

    For example, an operational definition for aggressiveness could be a checklist of behaviors that observers might see in the children they are watching: hitting, punching, kicking another child, using profanity toward another child, directing a threat toward another child, and so on. The goal is to come up with a list of behaviors that are a reasonable reflection of aggressiveness and that different observers can consistently recognize as aggressiveness. An operational definition like this gives observers a way to know what to count as an aggressive behavior so they can compare apples to apples.

    The Role of Peer Review in Science

    Scientific research uses a technique called peer review to help ensure that the features of good science are contained in any specific research project. Here is how it works. If someone wants to have their research study published in a scientific journal, it will be reviewed by a small group (often three) of experts in the research area. These experts, the peers, will evaluate the article, making comments about and suggestions to improve the scientific strength of the project and report. Publication decisions are based on the recommendations of the peer reviewers.

    As a result of peer-review, a great many articles are rejected, and nearly all others are required to make significant revisions before they can be published. Peer review, then, is the basic mechanism that used for quality control throughout the scientific disciplines. Peer review is not perfect however. Low quality studies can slip through, and high quality studies may occasionally be rejected by a powerful but biased reviewer. It is, however, the best procedure available to maintain scientific rigor in published research.

    The Scientific Method

    The preceding sections defined science as knowledge acquired through a scientific method. So what exactly is the scientific method? The scientific method refers to a standardized set of techniques for building scientific knowledge, such as how to make valid observations, how to interpret results, and how to generalize those results.

    The scientific method must satisfy four key characteristics:

    Replicability: Others should be able to independently replicate or repeat a scientific study and obtain similar, if not identical, results.

    Precision: Theoretical concepts, which are often hard to measure, must be defined with such precision that others can use those definitions to measure those concepts and test that theory.

    Falsifiability: A theory must be stated in such a way that it can be disproven. Theories that cannot be tested or falsified are not scientific theories and any such knowledge is not scientific knowledge. A theory that is specified in imprecise terms or whose concepts are not accurately measurable cannot be tested, and is therefore not scientific. Sigmund Freud’s ideas on psychoanalysis fall into this category and are therefore not considered a “theory,” even though psychoanalysis may have practical utility in treating certain types of ailments.

    Parsimony: When there are multiple different explanations of a phenomenon, scientists must always accept the simplest or logically most economical explanation. This concept is called parsimony or “Occam’s razor.” Parsimony prevents scientists from pursuing overly complex or outlandish theories with an endless number of concepts and relationships that may explain a little bit of everything but nothing in particular.

    Any branch of inquiry that does not allow the scientific method to test its basic laws or theories cannot be called science. For instance, theology (the study of religion) is not science because theological ideas—such as the presence of God—cannot be tested by independent observers using a logical, confirmable, repeatable, and scrutinizable. Similarly, arts, music, literature, humanities, and law are also not considered science, even though they are creative and worthwhile endeavors in their own right.

    The scientific method, as applied to social sciences, includes a variety of research approaches, tools, and techniques for collecting and analyzing qualitative or quantitative data. These methods include laboratory experiments, field surveys, case research, ethnographic research, action research, and so forth.

    Figure \(\PageIndex{2}\): Copy and Paste Caption here. (Copyright; author via source)

    The basic cycle of the scientific method (Public domain)

    2) What Science (and Social Science) is NOT

    Science is one way to ask about, learn about, and describe the world. All other ways to so this are non-science. Areas such as religion, ethics, philosophy, and art are all non-science. They don’t follow the scientific method. That doesn’t mean they are somehow “less good” or “less important” than science, they are simply something different that also is of value to us and the world.

    Pseudoscience

    Pseudoscience refers to activities and beliefs that are claimed to be scientific by their proponents—and may appear to be scientific at first glance—but are not.

    Consider, for instance, the champions of intelligent design, who essentially present their argument for the existence of God as a properly scientific theory which is purportedly based on scientific studies in fields such as molecular biology and evolutionary biology but incorporates both blatant and subtle misconceptions about evolutionary biology. Not only is the theory of intelligent design unscientific, but it is pseudoscientific, as it camouflages and presents itself as a legitimate science. In short, while not all non-science is pseudoscience, all pseudoscience is definitely non-science.

    A diagram showing the overlap between science, non-science, and pseudoscience
    Figure \(\PageIndex{3}\): Copy and Paste Caption here. (Copyright; author via source)

    How science, pseudoscience, and non-science intersect

    So how can we tell if something is science or pseudoscience?

    A set of beliefs or activities can be said to be pseudoscientific if (a) its adherents claim or imply that it is scientific but (b) it lacks one or more of the characteristics of science. For instance, it might lack systematic empiricism. Either there is no relevant scientific research or, as in the case of biorhythms, there is relevant scientific research but it is ignored. People who promote the beliefs or activities might claim to have conducted scientific research but never publish that research in a way that allows others to evaluate it.

    A set of beliefs and activities might also be pseudoscientific because it is not falsifiable. As an example of an unfalsifiable claim, consider that many people who believe in extrasensory perception (ESP) and other psychic powers claim that such powers can disappear when they are observed too closely. This makes it so that no possible observation would count as evidence against ESP. If a careful test of a self-proclaimed psychic showed that she predicted the future at better-than-chance levels, this would be consistent with the claim that she had psychic powers. But if she failed to predict the future at better-than-chance levels, this would also be consistent with the claim because her powers can supposedly disappear when they are observed too closely.

    Why should we concern ourselves with pseudoscience? To appreciate the practical importance of this question, let’s imagine what would happen if there was no way of telling science from non-science. Let’s consider some of these practical implications in turn.

    Suppose a certain community argues that we are facing a potential environmental disaster: say, an upcoming massive earthquake, an approaching asteroid, or slow but steady global warming. How seriously should we take such a claim? Naturally our reaction would depend on how trustworthy we think the position of this community is. We would probably not be very concerned, if this was a claim championed exclusively by a pseudoscientific community. However, if the claim about looming disaster was accepted by a scientific community, it would likely have serious effect on our environmental policy and our decisions going forward. But this means that we need to have a way of telling what’s science and what’s not.

    The ability to tell science from non-science and pseudoscience is equally important in courts, which customarily rely on the testimony of experts from different fields of science. Since litigating sides have a vested interest in the outcome of the litigation, they might be inclined towards using any available “evidence” in their favor, including “evidence” that has no scientific foundation whatsoever. Thus, knowing what’s science and what’s not is very important for the proper function of courts. Consider, for example, the ability to distinguish between claimed evidence obtained by psychic channeling, and evidence obtained by the analysis of DNA found in blood at the scene of the crime.

    The difference between science and pseudoscience is also crucial for healthcare. The promise of an easy profit often attracts those who are quick to offer “treatments” whose therapeutic efficacy hasn’t been properly established. Biorhythms, crystals, astrology, homeopathy, and many other pseudoscientific beliefs are promoted on the Internet, on television, and in books and magazines. Far from being harmless, the promotion of these beliefs often results in great personal toll as believers in these types of pseudoscience opt to pursue them for serious medical conditions instead of empirically-supported treatments. Such “treatments” can have health- and even life-threatening effects.

    Thus, any proper health care system should use only those treatments whose therapeutic efficacies have been scientifically established. But this assumes a clear understanding as to what’s science and what merely masks itself as such. Learning what makes them pseudoscientific can help us to identify and evaluate such beliefs and practices when we encounter them so that we can make the best healthcare decisions we can.

    A solid educational system is one of the hallmarks of a contemporary civilized society. It is commonly understood that we shouldn’t teach our children any pseudoscience but should build our curricula around knowledge accepted by our scientific community. For that reason, we don’t think astrology, divination, or creation science have any place in school or university curricula. Of course, sometimes we discuss these subjects in history and philosophy of science courses, where they are studied as examples of non-science or as examples of what was once considered scientific but is currently deemed unscientific. Importantly, however, we don’t present them as accepted science. Therefore, as teachers, we must be able to tell pseudoscience from science proper.

    In recent years, there have been organized campaigns to portray pseudoscientific theories as bearing the same level of authority as the theories accepted by proper science. Social media makes these kinds of campaigns increasingly easy to orchestrate. Consider, for instance, the deniers of climate change or deniers of the efficacy of vaccination who have managed – through orchestrated journalism – to portray their claims as a legitimate stance in a scientific debate. Journalists should be properly educated to know the difference between science and pseudoscience, for otherwise they risk hampering public opinion and dangerously influencing policy-makers. Once again, this requires a philosophical understanding on how to tell science from non-science and pseudoscience.

    In brief, the philosophical problem of demarcation between science and non-science is of great practical importance for a contemporary civilized society and its solution is a task of utmost urgency.

    One source for information on pseudoscience is The Skeptic’s Dictionary (The Skeptic's Dictionary [www.skepdic.com]). Among the pseudoscientific beliefs and practices you can learn about are the following:

    • Cryptozoology. The study of “hidden” creatures like Bigfoot, the Loch Ness monster, and the chupacabra.
    • Pseudoscientific psychotherapies. Past-life regression, rebirthing therapy, and bioscream therapy, among others.
    • Homeopathy. The treatment of medical conditions using natural substances that have been diluted sometimes to the point of no longer being present.
    • Pyramidology. Odd theories about the origin and function of the Egyptian pyramids (e.g., that they were built by extraterrestrials) and the idea that pyramids, in general, have healing and other special powers.

    Another online resource is Neurobonkers (Neurobonkers [neurobonkers.com]), which regularly posts articles that investigate claims that pertain specifically to psychological science.

    Science and Common Sense

    Some people wonder whether the scientific approach to behavior is necessary. Can we not reach the same conclusions based on common sense or intuition? Certainly we all have intuitive beliefs about behavior—and these beliefs are collectively referred to as folk psychology. Although much of our folk psychology is probably reasonably accurate, it is clear that much of it is not.

    For example, most people believe that anger can be relieved by “letting it out”—perhaps by punching something or screaming loudly. Scientific research, however, has shown that this approach tends to leave people feeling more angry, not less (Bushman, 2002)1. Likewise, most people believe that no one would confess to a crime that they had not committed unless perhaps that person was being physically tortured. But again, extensive empirical research has shown that false confessions are surprisingly common and occur for a variety of reasons (Kassin & Gudjonsson, 2004)2.

    In 50 Great Myths of Popular Psychology, psychological scientist Scott Lilienfeld and colleagues discuss several widely held commonsense beliefs about human behavior that scientific research has shown to be incorrect (Lilienfeld, Lynn, Ruscio, & Beyerstein, 2010)3.

    Here is a short list:

    • “People use only 10% of their brain power.”
    • “Most people experience a midlife crisis in their 40s or 50s.”
    • “Students learn best when teaching styles are matched to their learning styles.”
    • “Low self-esteem is a major cause of psychological problems.”
    • “Psychiatric admissions and crimes increase during full moons.”

    How can so many of our intuitive beliefs about behavior be so wrong? Notice that this is an empirical question, and it just so happens that behavioral scientists have conducted scientific research on it and identified many contributing factors (Gilovich, 1991)4.

    One factor is that forming detailed and accurate beliefs requires powers of observation, memory, and analysis to an extent that we do not naturally possess. For example, it would be nearly impossible to count the number of words spoken by the women and men we happen to encounter, estimate the number of words they spoke per day, average these numbers for both groups, and compare them—all in our heads – to determine whether men or women talk more.

    Because we can’t do that, we tend to rely on mental shortcuts in forming and maintaining our beliefs. One of these shortcuts is if a belief is widely shared, especially by people who call themselves experts or influencers, and it makes intuitive sense, we tend to assume it’s true. To make matters worse, once we decide something is true, even without actual scientific evidence, we then tend to focus on cases that confirm our beliefs and not on cases that contradict them. This is called confirmation bias. For example, once we begin to believe that women are more talkative than men, we tend to notice and remember talkative women and silent men but ignore or forget silent women and talkative men.

    We also hold incorrect beliefs in part because it would be nice if they were true. For example, many people believe that calorie-reducing diets are an effective long-term treatment for obesity, yet a thorough review of the scientific evidence has shown that they are not (Mann et al., 2007)5. People may continue to believe in the effectiveness of dieting in part because it gives them hope for losing weight if they are obese or makes them feel good about their own “self-control” if they are not.

    Scientists—especially behavioral scientists—understand that they are just as susceptible as anyone else to intuitive but incorrect beliefs. This is why they cultivate an attitude of skepticism. Skepticism does not mean being cynical or distrustful, nor does it mean questioning every belief or claim one comes across (which would be impossible anyway). Instead, it means pausing to consider alternatives and to search for evidence—especially systematically collected empirical evidence—when there is enough at stake to justify doing so.

    For example, imagine that you read a magazine article that claims that giving children a weekly allowance is a good way to help them develop financial responsibility. This is an interesting and potentially important claim (especially if you have children of your own). Taking an attitude of skepticism, however, would mean pausing to ask whether it might be instead that receiving an allowance merely teaches children to spend money—perhaps even to be more materialistic. Taking an attitude of skepticism would also mean asking what evidence supports the original claim. Is the author a scientific researcher? Is any scientific evidence cited?

    If the issue was important enough, it might also mean turning to the research literature to see if anyone else had studied it. Because there is often not enough evidence to fully evaluate a belief or claim, scientists also cultivate a tolerance for uncertainty. They accept that there are many things that they simply do not know. For example, it turns out that there is no scientific evidence that receiving an allowance causes children to be more financially responsible, nor is there any scientific evidence that it causes them to be materialistic.

    Although this kind of uncertainty can be problematic from a practical perspective—for example, making it difficult to decide what to do when our children ask for an allowance—it is exciting from a scientific perspective. If we do not know the answer to an interesting and empirically testable question, science, and perhaps even you as a researcher, may be able to provide the answer.

    Some Things to Avoid in Scientific Research

    Bias

    Bias is any systematic distortion of findings due to the way that the research is conducted, and it takes many forms. Imagine interviewing strangers about their opinions of a particular political candidate. How might their answers be different if the candidate is African-American and the interviewer is white? What if the respondent is interviewed at her huge fancy house and the interviewer is wearing tattered shoes? The human tendencies to want to be liked, to just get along, and to avoid embarrassment are very strong, and they can significantly affect how people answer questions asked by strangers.

    This introduces social desirability bias – the desire to “look good” to the interviewer affecting how a person answers a question. This needs to be taken into account when collecting answers from people as part of social science research. (This is also sometimes called “the halo effect” – the desire to give “good” responses to questions, even if the answers don’t reflect your real beliefs or thoughts or actions. For example, to say you recycle even if you don’t is to display the halo effect or social desirability bias.)

    You also need to look out for other sources of bias. For example, what if instead of talking to people you decide that having respondents answer questions using a self-administered written questionnaire would be better. This helps avoid social desirability bias, but it introduces other problems. Mail is easier to ignore than someone knocking at your door or making an appointment to meet with you in your office. You have to count more on the respondent’s own motivation to complete the questionnaire, and if motivated respondents’ answers are systematically different than unmotivated nonrespondents, your research plan has introduced self-selection bias. This means that when people voluntarily choose to participate in a survey or study, you might end up with a biased sample, because those who choose to participate may differ in some systematic way from those who do not.

    Here's another one: maybe you decide to call people instead. Most telephone polling is limited to calling land lines, so you can imagine how that could introduce sampling bias—bias introduced when some members of the population are more likely to be included in a study than others. When cell phones are included, you can imagine that there are systematic differences between people who are likely to answer the call and those who are likely to ignore the unfamiliar Caller ID—another source of sampling bias.

    Web-based surveys have become a very appealing option for researchers. They are incredibly cheap, allow complex skip patterns to be carried out unbeknownst to respondents, face no geographic boundaries, and automate many otherwise tedious and error-prone data entry tasks. For some populations, this is a great option. For other populations, though—low-income persons, homeless persons, disabled persons, the elderly, and young children—web-based surveys are often unrealistic.

    Deciding what wording to use can also introduce wording bias. Well-crafted questions elicit unbiased responses that are useful for answering research questions; poorly crafted questions do not. Asking if people who need it should receive aid can elicit very different answers than if you ask if people should get welfare.

    So, what can we do to make sure we’re asking useful questions? Tips for designing good data collection instruments for asking questions, whether questionnaires, web-based surveys, interview schedules, or focus group protocols, boil down to a few basics.

    Perhaps most important is paying careful attention to the wording of the questions themselves. Let’s assume that respondents want to give us accurate, honest answers. For them to do this, we need to word questions so that respondents will interpret them in the way we want them to, so we have to avoid ambiguous language. (What does “often” mean? What is “sometimes”?) If we’re providing the answer choices for them, we also have to provide a way for respondents to answer accurately and honestly. Surveys can be very frustrating when you can’t answer the way you want to.

    Here is an example of a bad question.

    Do you think teaching online is as good as teaching face-to-face?

     Yes

     No

     I think they’re about the same

    If you answer no, the researchers might infer that you think online teaching is inferior to face-to-face teaching. But by saying no, you may mean that you think online teaching is superior to face-to-face! There’s a huge potential for disconnect between the meaning the respondent attaches to this answer and the meaning the researcher attaches to it. Also, what is meant, exactly, by as good as? As good as in terms of what? In terms of student learning? For transmitting knowledge? Instructor’s convenience? Students’ convenience? A respondent could attach any of these meanings to that phrase, regardless of what the researcher has in mind. Maybe the answer is, “it depends” – but that’s not an option.

    What conclusions could the researcher draw from responses to this question? Not much, but uncritical researchers would probably report the results as filtered through their own preconceptions about the meanings of the question and answer wording, introducing a pernicious sort of bias—difficult to detect, particularly if you’re just casually reading a report based on this study, and distorting the findings so much as to actually convey the opposite of what respondents intended. Question wording must facilitate unambiguous, fully accurate communication between the researcher and respondent.

    Just as with mode of administration, question wording can also introduce social desirability bias. Leading questions are the most obvious culprit. A question like Don’t you think public school teachers are underpaid? makes you almost fall over yourself to say “Yes!” A less leading question would be Do you think public school teachers are paid too much, paid too little, or paid about the right amount? To the ear of someone who doesn’t want to give a bad impression by saying the “wrong” answer, all of the answers sound acceptable.

    If we’re particularly worried about potential social desirability bias, we can use normalizing statements: Some people like to follow politics closely and others aren’t as interested in politics. How closely do you like to follow politics? would probably get fewer trying-to-sound-like-a-good-citizen responses than Do you stay well informed about politics?

    Closed-ended questions—questions that give answers for respondents to select from—are susceptible to another form of bias, response set bias. When respondents look at a range of choices, there’s subconscious pressure to select the “normal” response.

    Imagine answering this question:

    How many hours per week do you study?

     Less than 10

     10 – 20

     More than 20

    That middle category just looks like it’s the “normal” answer, doesn’t it? The respondent’s subconscious whispers “Lazy students must study less than 10 hours per week; more than 20 must be excessive.” This pressure is hard to avoid completely, but we can minimize the bias by anticipating this problem and constructing response sets that represent a reasonable distribution.

    Response sets must be exhaustive—be sure you offer the full range of possible answers—and the responses must be mutually exclusive.

    How not to write a response set:

    How often do you use public transportation?

     Never

     Every day

     Several times per week

     5 – 6 times per week

     More than 10 times per week

    Of course, you could avoid problems with response sets by asking open-ended questions. Open-ended questions can give respondents freedom to answer how they choose, they remove any potential for response set bias, and they allow for rich, in-depth responses if a respondent is motivated enough.

    However, respondents can be shockingly ambiguous themselves, they can give responses that obviously indicate the question was misunderstood, or they can just plain answer with total nonsense. The researcher is then left with a quandary — what to do with these responses? Throw them out? Is that honest? Try to make sense of them? Is that honest? Closed-ended questions do have their problems, but the answers are unambiguous, and the data they generate are easy to manage.

    It’s a tradeoff: With closed-ended questions, the researcher is structuring the data, which keeps things nice and tidy; with open-ended questions, the researcher is giving power to respondents to structure the data, which can be awfully messy, but it can also yield rich, unanticipated results.

    Choosing open-ended and closed-ended questions to different degrees gives us a continuum of approaches to asking individuals questions, from loosely structured, conversational-style interviews, to highly standardized interviews, to fill-in-the-bubble questionnaires. When we conduct interviews, it is usually in a semi-structured interview style, with the same mostly open-ended questions asked, but with variations in wording, order, and follow-ups to make the most of the organic nature of human interaction.

    Lack of Proper Ethics

    The social sciences have a long history of unethical, complicit and dangerous research that has undermined the mission to better understand the world and make it a better place. Early anthropologists helped create sometimes persistent stereotypes of certain peoples as lazy, industrious, ‘good’, or ‘bad’ based on poor research. Research might be done at the expense of the studied population – for example, using methods that “outed” gay populations at a time when homosexuality remained illegal across many countries including the United States. Social sciences have assisted colonial entities to name, categorize, and label indigenous peoples the world over as ‘inferior’ and thereby assist in colonial domination and theft. (For example, the systematic removal of “uncivilized” Native Americans from their homelands in North America, or the categorization of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as savage and inferior, making way for the theft and pillaging of peoples and lands.)

    These examples show how studies can be undone by the unethical methods some social scientists use to get their data, tell their story, or even just make things up.

    How to avoid these traps? How can you be a “good” social scientist?

    A “good” social scientist is skilled at examining and understanding issues and phenomena from multiple perspectives, never assuming that their own perspective is the only one that exists. This avoids the trap of ethnocentrism, or considering your own culture to be the best, the most advanced, morally superior, and the standard against which others should be judged. When people are ethnocentric, they do not value the perspectives of people from other cultures, and they do not bother to learn about or consider other ways of doing things. Avoiding this requires deep, active listening, coupled with a healthy dose of humility and a strong understanding that all knowledge is partial and that there is always more to learn.

    In the very first minute of the 1992 Disney film Aladdin, the theme song declares that Aladdin comes from “a faraway place / where the caravan camels roam / where they cut off your ear if they don’t like your face / it’s barbaric, but hey, it’s home.” Facing criticism by antidiscrimination groups, Disney was forced to change the lyrics for the home video release of the film.

    This is related to a second desirable quality – being consciously aware of your own assumptions and how they influence your thinking. A good social scientist should question their own assumptions, values, and biases, and understand how they will affect social science work. Our own values and biases, which we all have, influence us in terms of how we see and react to various situations, to others and to ourselves. The objective is not to deny this, but instead to be aware of them and how they influence our behaviors, thinking, and more.

    Third, “good” social scientists take a critical viewpoint* to everything they hear and see. They scratch below the surface, questioning assumptions and beliefs that may otherwise seem “natural” or “unquestionable.” This means intentionally exposing oneself to different viewpoints and critiques on a range of topics. Reading and engaging with diverse news sources is one way to do this; another is to, as a social science researcher, intentionally step outside of one’s sub-field or area of specific expertise to engage with publications, debates, and researchers that contradict one’s own.

    *To be critical in this sense is not to criticize everything, to complain about everything, or to be cynical, but to not automatically accept what we are told, or read, or presented with.

    In sum, being a good social scientist is about more than just conducting research or analyzing data. It requires a deep commitment to understanding the complexities of human behavior and social systems, and a willingness to engage with diverse perspectives and experiences. To be a good social scientist, one must be driven by a passion for knowledge, a sense of responsibility to conduct ethical and meaningful research, and a desire to use that research to make a positive impact on the world.

    Notes:

    1. Bushman, B. J. (2002). Does venting anger feed or extinguish the flame? Catharsis, rumination, distraction, anger, and aggressive responding. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 28, 724–731.

    2. Kassin, S. M., & Gudjonsson, G. H. (2004). The psychology of confession evidence: A review of the literature and issues. Psychological Science in the Public Interest, 5, 33–67.

    3. Lilienfeld, S. O., Lynn, S. J., Ruscio, J., & Beyerstein, B. L. (2010). 50 great myths of popular psychology. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.

    4. Gilovich, T. (1991). How we know what isn’t so: The fallibility of human reason in everyday life. New York, NY: Free Press.

    5. Mann, T., Tomiyama, A. J., Westling, E., Lew, A., Samuels, B., & Chatman, J. (2007). Medicare’s search for effective obesity treatments: Diets are not the answer. American Psychologist, 62, 220–233.

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    2: The Science of Social Science is shared under a mixed license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Pat Knol, Triton College.