9.6: The Swahili City-States (East Africa)
In the 10th Century CE, a grand Persian sultan, Sultan Ali ibn Sulaiman al-Shirazi sailed to Kilwa Kisiwani, an island off the East African coast. Generous and likeable, he married the daughter of Mrimba, the local headman. The newlyweds were set up to live more or less happily ever after. However, Sultan Ali and Mrimba had made a deal. Sultan Ali would have control of the island in exchange for enough cloth for Mrimba to “walk on it from the island to his new abode on the mainland.” 15
The deal went through and Mrimba moved to the mainland. Then, he regretted giving up his position and plotted to militarily retake the island from his son-in-law. In response, Sultan Ali used magic. By reading the Qur’an in a special way, Sultan Ali kept the sea levels high, which confined Mrimba to the mainland, where he gave up and retired. Upon Mrimba’s death, the mainland territory passed to the son of Sultan Ali. According to the oral tradition, this new Muslim family, with Persian and African ancestry, ruled Kilwa Kisiwani and the mainland coast.
The account conveys some very important elements of Swahili identity. At least by the 13th Century CE, in response to resident Arab merchants who scorned non-Muslims and some African practices, African elites in East Africa claimed descent from Shirazis (Persians) and to have been early converts to Islam. In some cases, the connections may have been exaggerated or inaccurate from a historical standpoint. However, regardless of their accuracy, these stories demonstrate some of the defining features of Swahili identity.
Since it controlled gold coming from Great Zimbabwe, Kilwa Kisiwani became one of the most prosperous of the Swahili city-states . From 1000 to 1500 CE, these city-states were wealthy urban areas connected both to the African interior and the larger Indian Ocean World. Running down the East African coast from Mogadishu to Sofala, and including islands off the coast, the commercial centers were tied together by a shared identity, not an overarching political structure. In addition to Islam and claims to Persian ancestry, Swahili identity also became associated with Indian Ocean trade, an urban style, and a shared language (Swahili).
Historians of Africa trace the origins of the Swahili city-states to the Bantu expansions. By the 1st Century CE, Bantu farmers had built communities along the East African coast, trading with southern Arabia, southeast Asia, and occasionally Greece and Rome. Several hundred years after the fall of the Roman Empire, residents of the Swahili city-states played a pivotal role as middlemen, selling gold, timber, ivory, resins, coconut oil, and slaves from the interior regions of Africa to traders arriving from throughout the Indian Ocean World. In return, Swahili elites bought imported glass, porcelain, silk, spices, and cloth.
The seasonal monsoon winds allowed trade between the Swahili coast and southern Arabia, the Persian Gulf, and southeast Asia. Blowing towards the East African coast three to four months of the year and reversing several months later, the monsoon winds stranded traders for months at a time, encouraging intermarriage and cultural exchange. Furthermore, the wealth of the Swahili coast attracted Persian and Arab immigrants. With African, Arabian, and southeast Asian influences, Swahili culture became a blended culture. For example, the Swahili language incorporated loan words from Arabic and Hindi.
One of the quintessential features of the Swahili city-states from 1000 to 1500 CE was their urban style. The elite, ruling classes, were quite small. Most city people were less wealthy, working as craftsmen, artisans, clerks, and sailors. People in villages along the coast could also identify as Swahili. Claimants of Swahili identity spoke the Swahili language and were Muslim. Archaeology shows that emerging cities had mosques and Muslim burial grounds starting in the eighth century CE. The Swahili, regardless of their economic status, drew a distinction between themselves as Muslims and the “uncultured,” non-Muslim Africans of the interior.
The elite families played a role in fashioning the Swahili urban style. In addition to tracing their descent back to some of the earliest Muslim settlers from Persia, they embraced Islam, financing mosques, practicing purdah (the seclusion of women), and hosting large religious celebrations. Visiting Muslim merchants felt comfortable extending credit to them and living with their Swahili host families while waiting for the winds to turn.
By 1350 CE, the urban style of Swahili city-states exhibited a distinguishing architecture. Many of the cities became “stone towns” with wealthy Swahili families constructing multi-level homes out of the coarse coral. The Swahili elite used their stone houses to establish themselves as prominent, creditworthy citizens. They wore imported silk and cotton and ate off imported porcelain to further display their status. Like other Swahili, the ruling classes distinguished themselves from non-Muslims of the interior. They may have been partially moved to draw this distinction by their desire to sell as slaves people captured in the neighboring, non-Muslim communities.
Slavery within the Indian Ocean World , the zone of contact and interaction connecting people living adjacent to the Indian Ocean, began well before the spread of Islam in the seventh century CE. During the high point of the Swahili city-states, Muslim traders controlled the slave trade within the Indian Ocean World. Slaves tended to be captives of war sold to the Arabian Peninsula and regions near the Persian Gulf. Slaves were put to work as sailors, agricultural laborers, pearl divers, domestic workers, concubines, and musicians. Our information about the everyday lives of slaves in this region is very limited.
While there were some similarities between the trans-Atlantic trade that brought slaves to the Americas and the slave trade within the Indian Ocean World, there were important differences.
- Both slave trades took Africans, contributing to an African diaspora , or dispersal of African peoples and their descendants, all over the world. The trans-Atlantic slave trade, which lasted approximately 300 years and reached its peak in the eighteenth century CE, forced approximately 12 million people, mostly from West Africa, into the Americas. The slave trade within the Indian Ocean lasted much longer, about 2000 years, and was generally smaller in scale.
- African slaves in the Indian Ocean World had more social mobility, especially since many were skilled soldiers. According to Islamic precepts, slaves had some basic rights and could be incorporated into the households that they served. Theoretically, a freeborn Muslim could not be enslaved.
- Unlike slavery in the Americas, slavery within the Indian Ocean World was not racially codified, so freed slaves did not automatically face racial discrimination.
- Due to their reproductive capacities, women were more sought after as slaves within the Indian Ocean World, while the trans-Atlantic slave trade had the highest demand for young men.
In 1498, the Portuguese were trying to establish a direct sea route to the riches of India and China. After using an East African guide to reach India, the Portuguese began to set up a Trading Post Empire , which intended to tax trade within the Indian Ocean. Through a series of forts along the Indian Ocean coast, the administrators collected taxes and issued trade permits. Without a unified political structure or large armies, some Swahili cities were looted and destroyed by the Portuguese in the early 1500s. However, the ability to enforce tax collection was very limited north of Mozambique.
The Portuguese did not move inland beyond the coastal cities and, by and large, trade within the Indian Ocean continued without a great deal of interference. However, the Portuguese presence encouraged Swahili leaders to ally with the Omanis from southern Arabia. In 1699, the Omanis, working with some Swahili rulers, seized Mombasa, and began an era of Omani dominance of the Swahili coast.
15 John Middleton, The World of the Swahili: An African Mercantile Civilization, (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1994): 31-32