13.3: Background

Situla Art: Definition, diffusion and interpretation

Situla art is a conventional phrase indicating an artistic and craft movement which spread between the 7^th and 3^rd centuries bc in the North Adriatic basin (Arte Situle 1961; Capuis 2001; Frey 1969; Lucke and Frey 1962; Zaghetto 2002; 2006; 2007; Figure 1). The artistic techniques of situla art entailed embossing and engraving realistic images on bronze items as diverse as lids, helmets, knife scabbards, belt plates, mirrors and vases. Approximately 150 decorated items have been recovered from the area located between the Po Valley and the Danube plain, including the central Alpine region, Slovenia and Lombardy. All these items have been generally recovered from graves, although the funerary context may have not been their primary destination. Other finds come from Bologna and the Ombrone Valley. In Veneto, situla art objects have been found in graves from both the main centres of Este and Padua and minor locations in the Veronese and the Piave Valley (Capuis 2001; Figure 1). The earliest Venetic examples of situla art come from Este and date to 650–625 BC.

The situla art imagery is usually naturalistic and includes anthropomorphic motifs, everyday objects, animals and plants. Humans are involved in several different activities, including feasts, processions, warfare, hunting, farming, textile production, childbirth and intercourse (e.g. Capuis 2001; Gangemi 2008: 141; Zaghetto 2007). Objects include weapons, drinking implements, clothes and furniture. The faunal repertoire comprises both real animals and imaginary creatures such as winged lions. Each iconic element (human, animal, plant and objects) was arranged with others either in long bands of extreme complexity or in single scenes of limited extension — the former generally appearing on situlae (Figures 2–3), the latter on smaller items. While the complexity of the scene was probably influenced by the surface available, it remains possible that some motifs were chosen to appear on selected items for ideological reasons not always identifiable.

A major example of Venetic situla art is the situla recovered from Este Benvenuti tomb 126, c.600 BC. On the Benvenuti situla, the narrative frame is arranged in three horizontal friezes running round the vessel’s body on different levels (Capuis and Chieco Bianchi 1992: 74, 76–77). The first frieze features two drinking scenes with elite male drinkers, a man attending a horse, a boxing game and a procession of imaginary animals. The central frieze displays both fantastic and realistic animals accompanied by another man. The third frieze, just above the vessel’s foot, features a procession of both fully armed men and captives led by a charioteer; in a smaller scene, a warrior attacks a horn player. A minor example of Venetic situla art is the small symposium scene on the belt plaque from Este Carceri tomb 48, which I discuss below.

A repertoire of motifs similar to those of situla art is occasionally found on ceramic containers from Veneto (Capuis and Chieco Bianchi 1992: 81) and on some carved wooden chairs found in elite tombs of Central Italy, including the famous Tomba del Trono of Verucchio (von Eles 2002). The relation between situla art and these occurrences remains poorly understood. In Veneto, the production of decorated bronze items also included small votive laminas embossed and engraved with human or animal figures. These artefacts, however, are considered a different form of cultural manifestation in respect to situla art, especially because they have been found only in sanctuary contexts (Capuis 2001).

The origins and meaning of situla art are much debated (Arte Situle 1961; Capuis 2001; Frey 1969). Given the widespread adoption of iconographic motifs initially developed in the eastern Mediterranean, some scholars have advocated an ‘oriental’ origin for this artistic language (Di Filippo Balestrazzi 1967; 1980). Although this hypothesis is now outdated, an influence from the East is evident and may have spread in Italy through commercial contacts and the presence of foreign artisans (Capuis 2001: 201). The birth of situla art is now ascribed to 7^th-century Etruria: local and/or foreign artisans would have then moved from Etruria to Bologna, and from there to Este and Slovenia (Capuis 2001: 200–201; Colonna 1980). Despite evidence for the development of this artistic tradition in time-space, the meaning of situla art remains unclear. The decorative motifs have been variously interpreted as:

• Generic reproductions of the mid-1^st millennium aristocratic lifestyle;
• Representations of the afterlife;
• Evocations of myths connected with death, marriage and rebirth.

Nonetheless, several broader problems undermine these explanations, including the fact that no interpretation has provided a comprehensive explanation of the entire figurative system.

Recent research by Zaghetto (2002; 2006; 2007) has suggested interpreting the iconographic motifs of situla art as a real language, with its own rules which can be decoded on the basis of structural linguistics and semiotic approaches to reconstruct the whole meaning of the ‘text’. From this perspective each iconic element (e.g. a hat) is considered as a word, while groups of related images (e.g. a procession) are equivalent to sentences, and the entire decorated object expresses the full meaning of a complete text, or a discourse, in which the individual elements are combined together to convey a message far more complex than the mere sum of its basic components. Another innovation of Zaghetto’s analysis is the attention paid to the geographical and chronological distribution of the artefacts. Following a scrutiny of all the minor iconic elements (i.e. ‘words’ such as clothes) displayed on items from different locations and chronological periods, Zaghetto has suggested that each representation was probably deeply related to the cultural context in which the object was produced, if not a faithful depiction of real — or realistic — episodes of local life. In the case of the Benvenuti situla, for example, the drinking vessels on the first frieze clearly depict implements in use in 7^th-century Veneto, including the situla itself. By contrast, the analysis of the ‘sentences’ has highlighted the existence of a recurring repertoire of scenes (e.g. ‘the procession’ and ‘the lovemaking’) probably referring to situations which held shared meaning for all ‘consumers’ of situla art, regardless of their language and ethnic origin. Situla art, therefore, has been interpreted as a means of communication developed to facilitate interaction between members of widely distributed elites unable to communicate verbally because they spoke different languages. This interpretation is strengthened by the adoption of some situla art items in international gift-exchange. An example is the Providence situla, originally produced in the Alpine region but found at Bologna and depicting a possible meeting between Etruscan and Alpine elite individuals (Zaghetto 2007: 180). The inscription found on the vessel, composed of Raetic or Alpine characters and written in a poor Etruscan language, clarifies that a ‘community’ donated the situla to a man.

In the case of the Castelvetro mirror, a detailed examination of each iconographic motif has allowed Zaghetto (2002: 40–41) to propose a convincing interpretation of the entire ‘text’. The mirror includes three iconic panels. In panel one, a man sitting on a ‘throne’ is conversing with a veiled woman. This man indicates the number ‘two’ with his fingers. Nearby, a second woman is talking to another man. This woman indicates the number ‘three’ with her fingers. The second man wears a cap which is different in its shape and size from the larger hat worn by the ‘enthroned’ man. A careful analysis of the repertoire of clothing worn by figures in situla art has suggested that the adoption of different kinds of headgear probably indicated significant differences in social standing. The man with the large hat seated on the chair or throne, also a symbol of power, is probably an aristocrat, while the second man may have been a subordinate or the member of a lower social group. Panel two depicts a procession of three horses accompanied by three men, two of whom wear caps similar to that used by the ‘low-class’ man in panel one. On other situla art objects, similar processions of men and animals are generally associated with representations of sacrifice. According to Zaghetto, however, the Castelvetro procession is different, as it does not include the two characteristic images always associated with the ritual procession, namely the ‘man who walks alone’ and the ‘sacrificial axe’. The meaning of the Castelvetro procession is clarified by panel three, which includes a couple making love on a couch. A second man wearing a large hat similar to that used by the enthroned individual observes the lovemaking. The scenes have been interpreted by Zaghetto as depicting the nuptial process. Panel one shows a discussion about the dowry, which is represented by the three horses in panel two. These are alluded to by the gesture of the woman in panel one, who indicates the number ‘three’, and are clearly led towards the lovemaking. The man with the large hat in panel three is possibly the same depicted enthroned in panel one, now attending the lovemaking as a witness of the nuptial agreement.

Iron Age Veneto

The following paragraphs offer a brief overview of Venetic social organisation, historical development and funerary ritual in order to introduce the context under study. This chapter focuses on selected evidence from the main Venetic settlement of Este, a choice motivated by the quality of the material available here, which surpasses that from any other Venetic centre excavated to date. A particular emphasis is given to the funerary evidence from the well-published Benvenuti-Ricovero cemetery (c.850–25 bc), a nucleus of around 300 tombs located in the Este Northern burial area (Bianchin Citton et al. 1998; Chieco Bianchi 1987; Chieco Bianchi and Calzavara Capuis 1985; 2006). This cemetery is notable for a concentration of exceptional written artefacts and situla art products and yielded some of the wealthiest graves ever unearthed in Veneto, proving that it was a privileged burial site for the Este elites over the entire Iron Age.

According to conventional Italian scholarship, during the Iron Age, Veneto was inhabited by a population of Indo-European origin — the Veneti of the Graeco-Roman tradition — which developed an increasingly complex and hierarchical society over the 1st millennium (Capuis 2009; Capuis and Chieco Bianchi 1992; Prosdocimi 2002). The appearance of exceptionally wealthy graves during the 8th century probably indicates the rise of local elites who reinforced their status through the acquisition, interment and probable pre-funerary display of exotica, bronze weaponry, precious ornaments and luxurious dining sets. Between the 7^th and 6^th centuries, Veneto’s stronger involvement in the dense network of cultural exchanges between Italy, Continental Europe and the Mediterranean is revealed by larger imports of luxury goods and the adoption of situla art. The interaction with neighbouring populations, as well as internal growth, were among the factors which led to urbanisation, the adoption of writing and more structured rituals practised in sanctuaries. The significant involvement of Venetic elites in formalised cult practices is suggested by the abundance of bronze votive offerings at the main sanctuary sites (e.g. Ruta Serafini 2002). The development of Venetic society from the 5th century remains partially obscure due to a lack of intact grave assemblages, although socio-political change might partially relate to the presumed penetration of large ‘Celtic’ groups in the Po Valley from c.400 bc (Gambacurta 2003). An increas- ing intervention of Rome in Veneto took place from the 2^nd century BC, and led in approximately two centuries to the loss of Venetic language and material culture, as well as to the end of the local people’s political independence (e.g. Cuscito 2009).

Evidence for Iron Age Venetic socio-political organisation remains scanty. Some information can be inferred from the Venetic inscriptions and funerary evidence (Capuis 2009; Perego 2012a). Already in the 9^th century Venetic society was probably structured around membership in kin groups, but over the following centuries it may have evolved toward a more articulated organisation of extended elite families and their subordinates. The erection of multiple family tombs in use for several generations is attested from the 3^rd century bc to the early Roman period (Balista and Ruta Serafini 1992; Capuis 2009).

Cremation is the main funerary ritual attested (e.g. Capuis 2009). Inhumation was also practiced, but possibly for individuals belonging to marginal or non-elite social groups (Perego 2012a). As situla art products and funerary inscriptions come exclusively or almost exclusively from cremation graves, the latter are the focus of my analysis. Cremated remains were typically placed in cinerary vessels covered by a lid. It was not unusual to mingle the bones of multiple individuals in the same urn or to bury several urns in the same grave (Bianchin Citton et al. 1998; Perego 2012a; 2012b). At Este, urns were usually placed in stone containers, especially for rich burials. Grave goods such as ornaments and tools often accompanied the dead. Vessels and food were also placed in tombs, but generally outside the urn. The graves dramatically differed from each other in terms of wealth and ritual complexity. Non-elite tombs contained limited funerary equipment and were generally lacking in foreign goods. Conversely, elite graves contained up to hundreds of items and were characterised by exotica, lavish ornaments, bronze banqueting services, situlae, bronze belts, weaving implements, and, more rarely, situla art products, axes, inscribed objects and weapons (Bianchin Citton et al. 1998; Capuis 2009; Capuis and Chieco Bianchi 1992; Chieco Bianchi 1987; Chieco Bianchi and Calzavara Capuis 1985; 2006). Despite the evolution in shape/type of grave goods and the social changes occurring over time, 8th–3rd century bc Este elite tombs show the persistence of specific burial rites and grave-goods associations, suggesting the existence of a shared ritual language preserved until the late Iron Age.

Literacy in Iron Age Veneto

The extent of literacy in Iron Age Veneto is unknown. The number of inscriptions recovered so far amount to less than 1000 over a period of six centuries, but this may be a product of preservation if texts were also written on perishable items now vanished. Writing was possibly adopted from the Etruscans between the late 7^th and the first half of the 6th century. The spread of alphabetic writing in Veneto, therefore, may be a few decades later than the introduction of situla art in the same region; the modalities of its introduction in Veneto, however, remain uncertain. A Greek-modified alphabet was used to write the local language, known as Venetic, an Indo-European idiom with similarities to Latin (Gamba et al. 2013; Marinetti 1992; 1999; 2004; 2008; Pellegrini and Prosdocimi 1967; Prosdocimi 1988; Whitehouse and Wilkins 2006).

Approximately 600 inscriptions have been published from different Venetic localities. The bulk of this documentation comes from Este (Marinetti 1992). Here, 250+ texts and pseudo-texts were unearthed in a single location, the sanctuary of Baratella, suggesting that writing was relevant to the cult. Other significant groups of inscriptions come the sanctuaries of Lagole in northern Veneto (c.100 inscriptions) and Altino Fornace near Venice (c.35–40) (Fogolari and Gambacurta 2001; Cresci Marrone and Tirelli 2009). Inscribed objects in smaller quantities derive from Padua (c.20) and many minor Venetic centres, which have generally produced no more than one to 10 inscriptions each (e.g. Marinetti 1999; 2004; Pellegrini and Prosdocimi 1967; Prosdocimi 1988). Several new inscriptions, however, have been recently recovered from settlements such as Oppeano and Montereale Valcellina (e.g. Marinetti 2008): the publication of this evidence, therefore, might modify the scenario outlined here.

The Venetic texts presently known are found on a wide range of stone, ceramic and metal artifacts, including gravestones, urns, drinking vessels, votive pedestals, laminas and metal reproductions of real writing implements. The bulk of the Venetic corpus comprises hundred poorly preserved texts or inscriptions consisting of single or repeated letters. The remaining dataset includes about 250 items bearing texts consisting of an average of 6–10 words. These texts usually carry female and male onomastic formulas. Verbs and nouns are rare. Votive texts may mention a divine name and a limited range of verbs probably meaning ‘to give’ or ‘to offer’, while epitaphs often include only the name of the deceased. A longer inscription (c.100 words) has recently emerged at Este, proving that Venetic writing was put to more complex uses than previously supposed. The meaning of the inscription remains obscure although current scholarship interprets it as a ritual text or an inscription dealing with land and pasture management (Marinetti 1999; Whitehouse and Wilkins 2006).

Based on the evidence currently known, the context of use for writing in Iron Age Veneto may have mainly been limited to the ritual sphere. According to Whitehouse and Wilkins (2006: 533), most of the inscriptions dating to the 6th–3rd centuries bc (351 out of 466, 75.3%) are votive in subject matter and come from sanctuary sites. Of the remaining 115, 72 (15.4%) are from funerary contexts and have been found either on tombstones erected outside the grave or on small objects buried within the tomb. Another 25 (5.3%) are probably funerary inscriptions as well, although their context of discovery is uncertain. Only rare texts are possible marks of ownership and an absolute minority (1%) may have been public inscriptions. The bulk of the inscriptions dating between the late 3^rd century BC and the early Roman period (c.1st century BC) is still from sanctuary and funerary contexts, although the use of literacy partially changed, possibly in connection to Rome’s expansion and the spread of Latin. Today, therefore, there is no clear evidence that Venetic writing was widely devoted to secular and daily uses or related to the practical functioning of the state (Whitehouse and Wilkins 2006: 534). Overall, the typology and contexts of deposition for 6^th–3r^d centuries BC inscriptions suggest that early literacy might have been mainly restricted to high-ranking individuals who adopted writing as a means of display in the ritual context (Lomas 2007). This seems confirmed by the relative scarcity of texts scratched on humble pottery vis-à-vis the relative abundance of inscriptions on more luxurious materials such as bronze and stone (for a similar discussion of Etruscan literacy, see Stoddart and Whitley 1988). Cornell (1991) offered an alternative account of the spread of literacy in ancient Italy by arguing for a more widespread competence even in non-elite contexts: the probable loss of most inscriptions on fragile materials may have prevented us from identifying non-elite forms of literacy. This latter possibility of poor preservation and the existence of biases towards elite and ritual writing cannot be discounted for Veneto as well: this is indeed suggested by the increasingly common discovery of brief inscriptions on pottery in settlement contexts (Marinetti 2008).