9.3: The Cultural Mosaic- Diasporas, Race, and Ethnicity

Learning Objectives

1. Describe the geographies of the Transatlantic Slave Trade and its significance.
2. Identify forms of African resistance as a feature of the cultural mosaic of Middle and South America.
3. Explain the context and significance of the Haitian Revolution.
4. Identify the geographies of the East Asian, South Asian, and European Diasporas.
5. Explain blanquiamiento, mestisaje, and some of the criticisms of the racial democracy narrative.

 

The African Diaspora

The Transatlantic Slave Trade

The historic demographic collapse of Indigenous peoples in the Americas was followed by the largest forced migration in human history, the Transatlantic Slave Trade. Between the 15th and the 19th century, around twelve million Africans were violently uprooted and taken across the Atlantic to repopulate the Americas as forced laborers in plantations of the so called “New World.” The Transatlantic Slave Trade took enslaved peoples mostly from the west African coasts, from Senegal to Angola. As much as 95 percent of African captives were taken to Middle and South America, mostly to Caribbean and Brazil.^[1]

Over four hundred years, African people were a principal form of capital in a larger economic trading system known as the triangular trade, a trans-Atlantic trading system moving people and goods from Europe, Africa, and the Americas. Europeans would exchange manufactured goods such as cloth and guns for enslaved Africans who would be forced to cultivate commodity crops like cotton, tobacco, and sugar in the Americas. At every step of this system, mechanisms of scientific thought were used to reduce captive Africans to quantifiable commodities and to extract maximum profits from African bodies and the colonized lands. Enslavers would deprive captives of food, deny them medical attention, and pack them tightly onto slave ships to maximize their profits. Slave ships were overcrowded and unsanitary, vessels of trauma, sickness, and death. Such horrendous conditions earned their name of coffin ships, tumbeiros in Portuguese. It is estimated that as much as 20 percent of African captives died in transport to the Americas. Still, slavery was an extremely profitable system that supported Empire building and accumulation of wealth in Europe.^[2] In the process, Indigenous and African survivors were dispossessed of their personhood; their labor, knowledge, and skills; their land and natural resources; and their cultural heritage, family ties, and social networks.

 

Figure \(\PageIndex{1}\): [top] These two maps illustrate the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, where enslaved Africans come from, and where they went. As part of the larger triangular trade, the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade uprooted approximately 12 million Africans over a span of four centuries. [top left] This map shows the number of enslaved Africans arriving on the American continent (1514-1866). As much as 95 percent of enslaved Africans were taken to plantations in Brazil and the Caribbean (CC BY-ND; Statista). The slave trade was abolished in the Americas by 1866 (1807 in the US), but the institution of slavery lived decades beyond that. Cuba (1886) and Brazil (1888) were the last countries to abolish slavery. [top right] This map illustrates where African enslaved peoples came from, mostly regions in West Africa, especially West Central Africa, the Bight of Benin, and Bight of Biafra (CC BY-ND; Statista). [bottom] This diagram illustrates how slave ships were logistically planned to ship human bodies as commodities, a plan designed to maximize the profits of each voyage. African captives were tightly packed side-by-side to journey across the Atlantic in such horrendous conditions that slave ships were known as tumbeiros, or coffin ships. An estimated twenty percent of Africans died on the journey to the Americas (CC BY SA; Great Britain House of Commons via Wikimedia Commons).

 

African resistance

Colonial violence was never met with passiveness or submission. Africans and African descendants (and Indigenous peoples) in the Americas employed a myriad of tactics to fight back in waves of resistance and rebellion. Many large-scale runaway communities were formed in isolated regions, beyond the reach of colonists, like the remote interior lands of Brazil and the mountainous regions of Mexico, Jamaica, and Colombia. Some of these communities were organized like African-style kingdoms with an armed military prepared to defend against colonists. These self-liberated communities were territories of survival and emancipation, called quilombos (in Brazil), pelenques (in Spanish America), or maroon societies (in English-speaking areas). In northeast Brazil, Quilombo dos Palmares banded several settlements into a larger self-emancipated republic that reached a population of about 15,000.^[3] It was the largest quilombo in the colonial Americas, and it lasted for over a hundred years. Maroon societies also existed in Africa, in regions that were overrun by the slave trade. Africans attempted to protect themselves and their communities using a range of tactics, including evading kidnappers to form maroon settlements as well as revolting on slave ships. Many young warriors who had been fighting capture in Africa became warriors of abolitionist movements in the colonies of the Americas.^[4]

European enslavers generally dismissed forms of resistance by categorizing them as actions of an animal. The Spanish word ascribed to maroon societies or fugitives of enslavement, cimarrón, means “wild beast.” European colonists sought to suppress cimarrones and destroy runaway communities everywhere they existed. In Brazil, the Portuguese launched military expeditions to eliminate quilombos. For decades, most of them failed. Where they succeeded, new spurts of rebellion would establish new quilombos after old ones had been destroyed. In Colombia and Venezuela, pelenques were in constant formation as newly arrived Africans would escape to the mountains and form new communities or join existing ones. In Jamaica, maroons exhausted the British, who eventually signed a peace treaty with maroons that recognized them as free and sovereign until slavery was abolished.^[5]

Even as slavery was abolished in Middle and South America, quilombos, pelenques, and maroon communities continue to be spaces of Black self-determination to this day. In Brazil, the 2022 Census estimates that approximately 1 million Afro-descendants live in quilombos.^[6] Some Afro-descendants who have rooted ancestry in maroon communities recognize their African heritage as a cultural identity, not a perceived race. The Garifuna, for example, are a recognized culturally distinct group that occupy an area that spread through Belize, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. They are descendants of shipwrecked enslaved West Africans who lived in the island of St. Vincent, where they mixed with the Kalinago Indigenous population (Caribs) and adopted Indigenous practices.^[7] They speak a type of Creole, a hybrid language that combines Carib/Arawakan and several European languages. Although the Garifuna initially coexisted with French colonists, they engaged in a series of revolts in the late eighteenth century against British colonial authorities. After losing the war, they were resettled by British forces on the island of Roatán (off the coast of Honduras), from where they migrated to the Atlantic coasts of Belize, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua. In these countries, they are recognized as an Afro-Indigenous ethnic group.

 

Figure \(\PageIndex{2}\): [left] A cartographic illustration showing the southern portion of the Capitania of Pernambuco (1647), a colonial territorial sub-division of northeast Brazil. It includes an illustration of Quilombo dos Palmares in the refuge of the interior lands, remote from the coastal areas under colonial control (Public Domain; Frans Post via Wikimedia Commons). [right] This oil painting is titled "Jogar Capoëra - Danse de la guerre", loosely translated "Playing capoeira, the dance of war" by Johan Mortiz Rugendas (1835). Capoeira is a practice of martial art and dance that started in Brazil as a manifestation of resistance and the fight for freedom during the times of slavery. It was practiced by enslaved Africans in the form of fight-dance, as acts of resistance and preparation for uprisings (Public Domain; via Wikimedia Commons).

 

Rebel Island: Maroonage and the Haitian Revolution

Maroon rebellions waged costly wars against colonial troops. In Hispaniola, they weakened Spanish colonial control in the 16^th and 17^th Century. By the time the French formally secured their claim to the western parts of the island in 1697, Hispaniola already had several loosely organized maroon communities. But under the control of the French, Saint Domingue (colonial Haiti) experienced the expansion of violent and repressive sugar plantations, prompted by the increased demands for sugar in Europe. The French Code Noir legalized the cruel treatment of enslaved persons as material property. For most of the 18^th Century, Saint Domingue represented the depths of the violence underlying the slave trade and the plantation system. Nearly half of enslaved Africans brought to Saint Domingue died within three to five years from malnourishment, brutality, overwork, and various illnesses. The slave trade continued to funnel hundreds of thousands of new African captives to replenish the bonded population. These extreme conditions of dehumanization, death, and brutality inflicted upon enslaved peoples was the foundation of the profitability of the sugar plantations. Colonial Haiti was the crown of the French monarchy, the world’s largest sugar producer, and the most valuable colony in the Americas. Its wealth was funneled almost exclusively to France.

The rapidly growing population of African and African descendants in Haiti also enhanced the creation of liberated spaces and networks of solidarity around common lived experiences. In August 1791, Haitian-born and African-born rebels gathered in a sacred Vodoo ritual ceremony to conspire against the plantation system. They joined in African-based oaths of secrecy and pleas to the spirit world for protection during the impending revolt. The moment forged a spiritual connection among rebels of diverse ethnic identities, bound in struggle and vision to abolish slavery. Their will was carried out in the subsequent uprisings of the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804), a successful rebellion that led to the abolition of slavery and the overthrow of French colonial rule. It was the first abolitionist rebellion to form a free republic in the Americas, then named Haiti (from the Indigenous name of the island, Ayiti in Taïno). The founding of Haiti was an astonishing shock to the prevailing system of slavery in the Atlantic world. It shut down the world’s largest slave market in the Caribbean and freed 500,000 enslaved persons in Haiti.^[8] Word of the Haitian Revolution quickly spread among Black communities of the Americas, influencing unrest among enslaved people and maroons and unleashing cultures of resistance.

The Haitian Revolution represents how Africans and African descendants assumed the role of redefining and universalizing liberation, taking advantage of the American and French Revolutions to abolish slavery, colonialism, and white supremacy. It actualized the principles of freedom of the American and French Revolutions before they were enshrined in national clauses that overlooked slavery. Both France and the United States rejected Haiti’s freedom. The United States provided aid to suppress the Haitian Revolution, fearful that it would inspire emancipation movements and disrupt the profits of American slave owners. Newly independent Haiti was forced to pay France the equivalent of $20-$30 billion dollars, as reparations paid to enslavers.^[9] It took Haiti more than a century to pay a debt that economically crippled its beginnings as a sovereign state. The United States did not recognize Haiti’s independence until 1862, nearly six decades after the Haitian revolutionaries expelled the French and slavery from their shores. Even then, interventions with Haitian sovereignty came in the form of a violent 18-year US military occupation (starting in 1929) and a continued US meddling with Haitian affairs thereafter.^[10]

The absurdity of paying enslavers for freedom is not lost in contemporary politics in Haiti. Democratically elected Haitian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide tried to hold France accountable for the plundering of Haiti. In 2003, he demanded the precise amount of $21,685,135,571.48 as reparations for the unjust payments Haiti was forced to give France for its liberation.^[11] Aristide’s multi-billion-dollar demand may seem astonishing at glance. However, a recent analysis suggests that his estimate may have been modest when accounting for direct payments and loan interests paid to France and the immense losses in economic growth that these payments imposed on Haiti.^[12] Even as an underestimate, demands for restitution were perceived as political grenade thrown at France on the world stage. Aristide soon found himself removed from power, and France has yet to consider a tangible way to settle with history.

 

Figure \(\PageIndex{3}\): Picture of Citadelle La Ferrière and a painting portrait of Toussaint L'Overture, two symbols of the Haitian Revolution (1791-1804). [left] The Citadelle La Ferrière is a defensive fortress built by thousands of self-emancipated Haitians when Haiti proclaimed its independence. It is located in the mountainous interior, as a highland lookout and defense site against future invasions. The Citadel serves as an universal symbol of liberty. It is considered a UNESCO World Heritage Site given its historical significance (CC BY NC 2.0; Bennett via Flickr). Toussaint L'Overture is a former slave who came one of the famous generals to lead the Haitian Revolution. The general was captured and died before the Declaration of Haitian Independence, which stated Liberté ou La Mort (liberty or death). The document became the first freedom declaration to expand the principles of equality to the abolition of slavery (Public Domain, artist unknown via Black Past).

 

Trans-Atlantic Worlds

The African diaspora is a core element of the cultural character of many parts of Middle and South America where large populations of African descendants live today. In 2015, based on self-identification in their national census, there were about 133 million Afro-descendants in Middle and South America, close to 24 percent of the total population.^[13] Over 91 percent are concentrated in Brazil (105 million) and Venezuela (17 million). Other countries like Colombia, Cuba, Ecuador, and Mexico collectively make up another 7 percent. In the Caribbean, a high percentage of the population identifies to be of African ancestry, like Jamaica (92%) and St. Lucia (87%). In Brazil and Venezuela, Afro-descendants constitute the majority of the population, and most identify with mixed-race categories of the national census. 

African cultural influence is easily detected in the cultural expressions found in Middle and South America. Jamaican reggae, Dominican merengue, Brazilian samba, and Cuban rumba are clear examples of how African influences became global symbols of the musicality and culture of their respective countries. African influence is also well represented in the syncretic religions, mixed belief systems, that are prominent forms of spirituality in the region. Voodoo, for example, is a form of folk Catholicism based on elements of West African spirituality, a syncretic belief system practiced mostly in Haiti. Voodoo cemented the struggle of African and African descendants from diverse ethnic identities and became a unifying force in the Haitian Revolution. Santería (Cuba) and Candomblé (Brazil) are other prominent examples of religious syncretism. In both religions, the polytheistic belief systems of the Yoruba integrate Yoruba deities, called orishas or Orixás, into the pantheon of Catholic saints. While each of these belief systems have unique characteristics in their religious and healing traditions, they share the commonalities in how participants interact with the spiritual world in transcendent drumming and dancing rituals. They also represent the ways which African belief systems have survived and adapted in the Americas.

 

Race & the Myth of the Racial Democracy 

Racial Whitening

In colonial times, Middle and South America had predominantly nonwhite societies that were subjected to colonial laws of social stratification known as sistema de castas, a system that placed nonwhites on an inferior legal and social status. Driven by European ideas of racial purity and blood descent, whiteness was an index of honor and value, which entitled individuals to public office, recognition, and wealth. The casta system is illustrated in paintings from eighteenth-century Mexico and Peru. Afro-descendants were systematically relegated to the bottom of the social scale, experiencing little social mobility and facing extreme forms of deprivation. Ascription to a casta implied not only civil and religious rights, but also determined aspects of taxation, limits on public and religious office, travel restrictions, and property, among others. In principle, however, the blood-based ideology allowed certain mobility by means of racial mixing, known as mestizaje (miscegenation). Individuals of lower castas could “whiten” their descent through intermarriage. Wealthy mixed-race individuals could pursue upward mobility by purchasing a document from the Crown that would buy them entry into a superior casta.  

By the 1830s, most countries in Middle and South America gained independence from the Spanish and Portuguese empires and progressively dismantled the colonial system of castas. But national leaders in much of the region maintained an obsession with crafting societies that resembled those of Europe. Blanqueamiento (Spanish for “whitening”) were whitening ideologies that sought to physically transform the demographics of the region. It informed policies, discourses, and practices built on the racist idea that white and European traits were superior to African or Indigenous ones. The impact of blanqueamiento ideologies on policymaking was clearly visible in the immigration policies of the time, which encouraged European migrants to settle in the continent as a means of progressively whitening the population and wipe out the perceived barbarism of nonwhite populations. As a result, from 1880 to 1930, Argentina, Brazil, Cuba, and Uruguay received over 11 million European immigrants. Altogether, the European diaspora represents a mass migration that shaped the cultural characteristics of southern Brazil, Uruguay, Chile, and Argentina, where most of the population have and European ancestry and European cultural expressions are pronounced.

 

Figure \(\PageIndex{4}\): A painted diagram of family portraits showcasing the miscegenation of Spanish, Indigenous, and African people in the Spanish Americas. It illustrates the Sistema de Castas, the categorization and stratification of racial categories of Spanish colonies (18th Century). The original illustration includes the 16 castas, cropped here for simplification (click on the image for the original version). The mixed racial categories shown in this abbreviated diagram read as follows: 1) Español con India, Mestizo; 2) Mestizo con Española, Castizo; 3) Castizo con Española, Español; 4) Español con Mora, Mulato; 5) Mulato con Española, Morisca; 6) Morisco con Española, Chino; 7) Chino con India, Salta atrás; 8) Salta atras con Mulata, Lobo (Public Domain; unknown artist, Museo Nacional del Virreinato, Tepotzotlán, Mexico via Wikimedia Commons).

 

Browning & Mestizaje

Spearheaded by postrevolutionary Mexico, national elites began shifting from ideologies of whitening in favor of narratives that emphasized harmonious race relations, celebrating the mestizo, the mixed Spanish and Indigenous heritage of the country. The mestizo identity was adopted as a way of moving beyond race, of parting from the colonial past and the racial antagonisms of the early republican period. Mestizos combined the alleged liberal and forward-thinking traits of Europeans along with the rooted traditions embodied in the Indigenous cultures of the country. The notion of Mestizaje spread rapidly, and most countries in Middle and South America promoted a version of national mestizo identities, even removing racial categories from the national census. This was seen as a solution to the class and race tensions accumulated after the young republics failed to deliver on their promises to the majority, the mixed-race working population.

National projects of mestizaje were not the same everywhere. Brazil and Cuba incorporated African culture as a central element of their mixed-race identity. In some countries, mestizaje national discourse tended to favor the selective inclusion of Indigenous traits while downplaying African ones. In Mexico, for example, the emphasis on the historical value of European-Indigenous miscegenation ignored large populations of Afro-descendants.  Still today, Mexico has a population of two million Afro-descendants who struggle for recognition in a mestizo-majority country. The 2020 Census was the first time Mexicans had the option to self-identify as Black, Afro-Mexican, or Afro-descendant.^[14] In the Dominican Republic, the state celebrated European and Indigenous Taino cultures while disavowing Blackness as something foreign and associated with neighboring, poorer Haiti. This has important consequences in the identification of Afro-Dominicans today, most of whom are counted as indio in the national census.

 

Figure \(\PageIndex{5}\): The majority of the Mexican population identifies as Mestizo. These maps illustrate the populations excluded from the narrative of Mestizaje. Based on the Mexican 2022 Census: [left] 23.2 million people self-identify as Indigenous, accounting for 19.4% of the Mexican population, mostly concentrated in southern Mexico. Oaxaca (69%) and Yucatán (65%) have Indigenous-majority populations. [right] 2.6 million people self-identify as Afro-descendants, 2% of the population. Guerrero (8.6%) and Oaxaca (4.7%) have the highest shares of Afro-descendant population. (Adapted from Valle-Jones based in INEGUI 2015; These maps illustrate similar geographical patterns of the Mexican Census 2022).

 

Beyond Race? Brazil and the Myth of the Racial Democracy

Diasporas and racial mixing in Middle and South America have shaped complex racial identities. Terms like negro, moreno, pardo, mulatto, indio, caboclo, zambo, and creole, for example, are much closer to the understanding of race and identity of peoples of African ancestry in the region than the binary racial categories used in the United States. In Brazil, it is more common to refer to color than race, as the continuum of hue and shade better grasps the Brazilian conceptualization of racial difference. Racial groups have historically been classified based on extensive color identifications. For example, one survey conducted in 1976 found that Brazilians identified themselves in more than 100 categories of color.[15] In 1995, another survey found similar results, but most survey respondents used only six racial categories.^[16] Still today, the everyday language that Brazilians use to identify themselves is often in a color continuum that is not entirely grasped by official figures, like the popular everyday term moreno, used to describe the continuum of skin shades of brown.

The census depicts the Brazilian notion of skin color in a more restrictive sense, in five categories. In the latest census (2008), Brazilians identified as follows: 43.1% as pardo (brown), 7.6% as preto (Black), 0.5% as indígena (indigenous), and 47.7% as branco (white) and 1.1% as amarelo (yellow, translating as Asian).^[17] This census indicates that most Brazilians racially identify as nonwhite. Brazil has the largest population of peoples of African origins in the Americas and the second largest of any country in the world (only after Nigeria). Thus, Brazil is often central in discussions about Blackness and racial relations.

Brazilian author Gilberto Freyre coined the term racial democracy as a way of depicting Brazil’s racial relations. In the book The Mansions and the Shanties (1936), Freyre claimed that in Brazil slavery had been more benign, and racial mixing was publicly celebrated and made into a positive national symbol. Highlighting the absence of United-States-like segregation laws, Freyre distinguished Brazil as a society of racial harmony where societal divisions were based on socioeconomic class, not race. Since then, Brazilian state discourse has long promoted itself as a racial democracy, suggesting that Brazil had achieved a racially harmonious and racially equal society, in contrast to the United States.

In recent decades, the notion of a racial democracy in Brazil (and beyond) has been challenged by social movements of Indigenous and Afro-descendant groups who have pointed that the promotion of national mixed-race identities only serves as a form of denial of the unique lived experiences of Afro-descendants and Indigenous peoples. Rather than moving beyond race, the racial democracy narrative promotes an idealized worldview that obscures persisting racism, discrimination, and ample evidence of rampant racial inequalities. Consider the fact that Afro-descendants are disproportionately represented among the poor in Brazil and throughout the region. They have fewer chances of social mobility, are 2.5 times more likely to be chronically poor, have fewer years of education, and are more likely to be victims of crime and violence.^[18] These intersecting socioeconomic inequalities culminated in the wreckage of the covid-19 pandemic that was disproportionately fatal among Afro-descendants in Brazil (like in the United States).^[19] These are indicators of racial inequalities that have become grounds for policy agendas and social movements in the country.

 

Figure \(\PageIndex{6}\): Angélica Dass is depicted in a TED Talk about the project Humanae, a global exposition of human hue. Dass describes her family as “full of colors”: her father’s skin as “deep chocolate.” He was adopted by her grandmother, whose skin is “porcelain,” and her grandfather, whose skin is “somewhere between vanilla and strawberry.” Her mom is “cinnamon.” Her sisters are more “toasted peanut.” Dass's photography challenges how we think about skin color and ethnic identity. Humanae displays thousands of portraits of people of diverse skin colors matched to Pantone color cards as a background. It's an attempt to document humanity's true colors rather than the untrue white, red, black and yellow associated with race (CC BY NC 2.0; TED Conference via Flickr).

 

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References:

[1] Slavevoyages.org maintains a renowned historical database of transatlantic slave voyages filled with educational resources worth exploring.

[2] Inikori, J. E. (2020). Atlantic slavery and the rise of the capitalist global economy. Current Anthropology, 61(S22), S159-S171.

[3] Andrews, G. R. (2016). Afro-Latin America: Black Lives, 1600–2000. Harvard University Press. Pp. 38

[4] Andrews, G. R. (2016). Afro-Latin America: Black Lives, 1600–2000. Harvard University Press. Pp 38.

[5] Infrantry, A. (Feb 19, 2021). Meet the legendary community that fought for freedom in Jamaica. National Geographic.

[6] Agência Brasil (Oct 15, 2021). População residente em área indígena e quilombola supera 2 milhoes. *Based on a revived counting of quilombo populations that have not been identified in the census in 150 years.

[7] Oro, P. J. L. (2021). A Love Letter to Indigenous Blackness: Garifuna women in New York City working to preserve life, culture, and history across borders and generations are part of a powerful lineage of resistance to anti-Blackness. NACLA Report on the Americas, 53(3), 248-254.

[8] Fortes-Lima, C. A. (2021). "Chapter 10 Disentangling the Impact of the Transatlantic Slave Trade in African Diaspora Populations from a Genomic Perspective". In Africa, the Cradle of Human Diversity. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill.

[9] Rosalsky, G. (Oct 5, 2021). 'The Greatest Heist in History': How Haiti Was Forced to Pay Reparations for Freedom. NPR.

[10] Danticat, E. (July 28, 2015). The long legacy of occupation in Haiti. The New Yorker.

[11] By Méheut, C.; Porter, C.; Gebrekidan, S.; and Apuzzo, M. (May 20, 2022). The root of Haiti’s misery: reparations to enslavers. The New York Times.

[12] By Méheut, C.; Porter, C.; Gebrekidan, S.; and Apuzzo, M. (May 20, 2022). The root of Haiti’s misery: reparations to enslavers. The New York Times.

[13] “Freire, German; Diaz-Bonilla, Carolina; Schwartz Orellana, Steven; Soler Lopez, Jorge; Carbonari, Flavia. 2018. Afro-descendants in Latin America; Afrodescendientes en Latinoamérica; Afro-descendants in Latin America: Toward a Framework of Inclusion; Hacia un marco de inclusión. © World Bank, Washington, DC.

[14] Censo Mexicano (2020)

[15] Guimarães, A. S. A. (2012). The Brazilian system of racial classification. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 35(7), 1157-1162.

[16] Telles, E. E. (2014). Race in another America. In Race in Another America. Princeton University Press. Pp 87.

[17] Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistica (IBGE). Censo 2010. *The 2020 Census was delayed due to the covid-19 pandemic, thought to be released between 2023-2025.

[18] Freire, German; Diaz-Bonilla, Carolina; Schwartz Orellana, Steven; Soler Lopez, Jorge; Carbonari, Flavia. 2018. Afro-descendants in Latin America: Toward a Framework of Inclusion. World Bank, Washington, DC

[19] Martins-Filho, P. R., Araújo, B. C. L., Sposato, K. B., de Souza Araújo, A. A., Quintans-Júnior, L. J., & Santos, V. S. (2021). Racial disparities in COVID-19-related deaths in Brazil: black lives matter? Journal of Epidemiology.

 

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Attributions:

"African Diaspora", including the highlight of "Rebel Island", is adapted and remixed from Eddins, C. (2022). Maroon Movements Against Empire: The Long Haitian Revolution, Sixteenth-Nineteenth Centuries. Journal of World-Systems Research, 28(2), 219-241. CC BY 4.0.

"Whitening, Browning, and the Myth of Racial Democracy" is adapted and remixed from ​​​​​​Freire, German; Diaz-Bonilla, Carolina; Schwartz Orellana, Steven; Soler Lopez, Jorge; Carbonari, Flavia. 2018. Afro-descendants in Latin America: Toward a Framework of Inclusion. World Bank, Washington, DC. CC BY 3.0 IGO; and Mitchell, J. (2022). Back to race, not beyond race: multiraciality and racial identity in the United States and Brazil. Comparative Migration Studies, 10(1), 1-17. CC BY 4.0.